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Browsing named entities in a specific section of John G. Nicolay, A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln, condensed from Nicolay and Hayes' Abraham Lincoln: A History. Search the whole document.

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Pope (search for this): chapter 22
Clellan withdrawal from Harrison's Landing Pope assumes command second battle of Bull Run tons, and on his return to Washington called General Pope from the West, and, by an order dated June k to Acquia Creek and unite it with the army of Pope. On July 30, McClellan received a preliminaunder President Lincoln's order of June 26, General Pope had left the West, and about the first of J relate in detail the campaign which followed. Pope intelligently and faithfully performed the task induce the government to change its plans. Pope, despite the fact that he had managed his retres conspiracy among McClellan's officers against Pope, with Pope's army in a disorganized retreat upoPope's army in a disorganized retreat upon Washington, with the capital in possible danger of capture by Lee, and with a distracted and half-s command to give a hearty and loyal support to Pope as a personal favor to their former general, anis belief that McClellan had acted badly toward Pope and really wanted him to fail; but there is no [6 more...]
E. Kirby Smith (search for this): chapter 22
His official counselors, equally patriotic and sincere, were not his equals in calmness of temper. On Friday, August 29, Stanton went to Chase, and after an excited conference drew up a memorandum of protest, to be signed by the members of the cabinet, which drew a gloomy picture of present and apprehended dangers, and recommended the immediate removal of Mc-Clellan from command. Chase and Stanton signed the paper, as also did Bates, whom they immediately consulted, and somewhat later Smith added his signature. But when they presented it to Welles, he firmly refused, stating that though he concurred with them in judgment, it would be discourteous and unfriendly to the President to adopt such a course. They did not go to Seward and Blair, apparently believing them to be friendly to McClellan, and therefore probably unwilling to give their assent. The refusal of Mr. Welles to sign had evidently caused a more serious discussion among them about the form and language of the pro
Willie Lincoln (search for this): chapter 22
Chapter 22. Jackson's valley campaign Lincoln's visit to Scott Pope assigned to command arrison's Landing Seward sent to New York Lincoln's letter to Seward Lincoln's letter to McClLincoln's letter to McClellan-.Lincoln's visit to McClellan Halleck made General-in chief Halleck's visit to Mc C-the Maryland campaign battle of Antietam Lincoln visits Antietam Lincoln's letter to Mc CDowell, Shields, and Fremont, ordered by President Lincoln, not been thwarted by the mistake and de receipt of this alarming piece of news, President Lincoln instantly took additional measures of sat in serious peril. Meanwhile, under President Lincoln's order of June 26, General Pope had lefry, and greatly outraged the feelings of President Lincoln. But even under such irritation the Pree cabinet, the paper was never presented to Mr. Lincoln. The signers may have adopted the feeling at that on October 6, the second day after Mr. Lincoln's return to Washington, the following teleg[5 more...]
Henry W. Halleck (search for this): chapter 22
to McClellan-.Lincoln's visit to McClellan Halleck made General-in chief Halleck's visit to Halleck's visit to Mc Clellan withdrawal from Harrison's Landing Pope assumes command second battle of Bull Rhrough the Secretary of War he instructed General Halleck at Corinth to send twenty-five thousand ipartment now under his charge. Though General Halleck was loath to leave his command in the Wesbeen pointedly informed by the President. On Halleck's return to Washington, it was, on further co still protested against the change, and when Halleck in a calm letter answered his objections with notwithstanding telegram after telegram from Halleck, ordering him to push Franklin's division out also, Mr. Lincoln despatched a member of General Halleck's staff to the Virginia side of the Potommore than had been expected. Worse than all, Halleck, the general-in-chief, who was much worn out e following telegram went to the general from Halleck: I am instructed to telegraph you as f[1 more...]
Edwin M. Stanton (search for this): chapter 22
ond to a retreat to the James River. It was after midnight of the next day that McClellan sent Stanton his despairing and insubordinate despatch indicating the possibility of losing his entire army. McClellan's conduct and language had awakened the indignation of the whole cabinet, roused Stanton to fury, and greatly outraged the feelings of President Lincoln. But even under such irritatioqually patriotic and sincere, were not his equals in calmness of temper. On Friday, August 29, Stanton went to Chase, and after an excited conference drew up a memorandum of protest, to be signed byprehended dangers, and recommended the immediate removal of Mc-Clellan from command. Chase and Stanton signed the paper, as also did Bates, whom they immediately consulted, and somewhat later Smith t was entirely rewritten by Bates, cut down to less than half its original length as drafted by Stanton, and once more signed by the same four members of the cabinet. Presented for the second tim
Washington (search for this): chapter 22
afety to the positions and operations within the department now under his charge. Though General Halleck was loath to leave his command in the West, he made the necessary dispositions there, and in obedience to the President's order reached Washington on July 23, and assumed command of all the armies as general-in-chief. On the day following he proceeded to General McClellan's headquarters at Harrison's Landing, and after two days consultation reached the same conclusion at which the Presid said. We must use the tools we have; if he cannot fight himself, he excels in making others ready to fight. It turned out that the second battle of Bull Run had by no means so seriously disorganized the Union army as was reported, and that Washington had been exposed to no real danger. The Confederate army hovered on its front for a day or two, but made neither attack nor demonstration. Instead of this, Lee entered upon a campaign into Maryland, hoping that his presence might stimulate a
McDowell (search for this): chapter 22
ley nearly to Harper's Ferry. Its principal effect upon the Richmond campaign was to turn back McDowell, who had been started on a land march to unite with the right wing of McClellan's army, under ithat courted and would have resulted in destruction or capture had the junction of forces under McDowell, Shields, and Fremont, ordered by President Lincoln, not been thwarted by the mistake and delayt. It was an episode that signally demonstrated the wisdom of the President in having retained McDowell's corps for the protection of the national capital. That, however, was not the only precautJune 26, specially assigned him to the command of the combined forces under Fremont, Banks, and McDowell, to be called the Army of Virginia, whose duty it should be to guard the Shenandoah valley and nd that of General Banks, eight thousand strong, in the Shenandoah valley, and the corps of General McDowell, eighteen thousand five hundred strong, with one division at Manassas and the other at Fred
Edward Bates (search for this): chapter 22
memorandum of protest, to be signed by the members of the cabinet, which drew a gloomy picture of present and apprehended dangers, and recommended the immediate removal of Mc-Clellan from command. Chase and Stanton signed the paper, as also did Bates, whom they immediately consulted, and somewhat later Smith added his signature. But when they presented it to Welles, he firmly refused, stating that though he concurred with them in judgment, it would be discourteous and unfriendly to the Presd therefore probably unwilling to give their assent. The refusal of Mr. Welles to sign had evidently caused a more serious discussion among them about the form and language of the protest; for on Monday, September I, it was entirely rewritten by Bates, cut down to less than half its original length as drafted by Stanton, and once more signed by the same four members of the cabinet. Presented for the second time to Mr. Welles, he reiterated his objection, and again refused his signature. T
Salmon P. Chase (search for this): chapter 22
sibilities of rulership, and that the fate of the nation hung upon his words and acts from hour to hour. His official counselors, equally patriotic and sincere, were not his equals in calmness of temper. On Friday, August 29, Stanton went to Chase, and after an excited conference drew up a memorandum of protest, to be signed by the members of the cabinet, which drew a gloomy picture of present and apprehended dangers, and recommended the immediate removal of Mc-Clellan from command. ChaseChase and Stanton signed the paper, as also did Bates, whom they immediately consulted, and somewhat later Smith added his signature. But when they presented it to Welles, he firmly refused, stating that though he concurred with them in judgment, it would be discourteous and unfriendly to the President to adopt such a course. They did not go to Seward and Blair, apparently believing them to be friendly to McClellan, and therefore probably unwilling to give their assent. The refusal of Mr. Welles
William H. Seward (search for this): chapter 22
Scott Pope assigned to command Lee's attack on McClellan retreat to Harrison's Landing Seward sent to New York Lincoln's letter to Seward Lincoln's letter to McClellan-.Lincoln's visit tSeward Lincoln's letter to McClellan-.Lincoln's visit to McClellan Halleck made General-in chief Halleck's visit to Mc Clellan withdrawal from Harrison's Landing Pope assumes command second battle of Bull Run the cabinet protest McClelst important action was to begin the formation of a new army. On the same day he sent Secretary of State Seward to New York with a letter to be confidentially shown to such of the governors of Statecondition of the Army of the Potomac was not as desperate as at first had seemed. The result of Seward's visit to New York is shown in the President's letter of July 2, answering McClellan's urgent could be discourteous and unfriendly to the President to adopt such a course. They did not go to Seward and Blair, apparently believing them to be friendly to McClellan, and therefore probably unwilli
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