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1581 AD (search for this): part 1, chapter 1
ving colonists of an earlier generation, to whose irrepressible zeal for learning their successors owe access to many volumes that one would hardly expect to see under the Southern Cross. Thus a 1599 edition of Plutarch in the University Library, embodying the apparatus of Xylander and Cruserius, has helped me much in the question of Amyot's relations to the Greek. Thus, too, I was able to utilise, among other works not easily met with, the first complete translation of Seneca's Tragedies (1581), in the collection of the late Mr. David Scott Mitchell, a clarum et venerabile nomen in New South Wales. May I, as a tribute of gratitude, inform my English readers that this gentleman, after spending his life in collecting books and manuscripts of literary and historical interest, which he was ever ready to place at the disposal of those competent to use them, bequeathed at his death his splendid library to the State, together with an ample endowment for its maintenance and extension?
1470 AD (search for this): part 1, chapter 1
on Amyot needs less apology. In view of the fact that he was the immediate original of North, he has received in England far less recognition than he deserves. Indeed he has met with injustice. English writers have sometimes challenged his claim to have translated from the Greek. To me it has had the zest of a pious duty to repeat and enforce the arguments of French scholars which show the extreme improbability of this theory. Unfortunately I have been unable to consult the Latin version of 1470, except in a few transcripts from the copy in the British Museum: but while admitting that a detailed comparison of that with the Greek and the French would be necessary for the formal completion of the proof, I think it has been made practically certain that Amyot dealt with all his authors at first hand. At any rate he is a man, who, by rendering Plutarch into the vernacular and in many instances furnishing the first draught of Shakespeare's phrases, merits attention from the countrymen of
1603 AD (search for this): part 1, chapter 1
ld never have been written. Besides, Plutarch, so far as I know, has not before been treated exactly from the point of view that is here adopted. My aim has been to portray him mainly in those aspects that made him such a power in the period of the Renaissance, and gave him so great a fascination for men like Henry IV., Montaigne, and, of course, above all, Shakespeare. For the same reason I have made my quotations exclusively from Philemon Holland's translation of the Morals (1st edition, 1603) and North's translation of the Lives (Mr. Wyndham's reprint), as the Elizabethan versions show how he was taken by that generation. The essay on Amyot needs less apology. In view of the fact that he was the immediate original of North, he has received in England far less recognition than he deserves. Indeed he has met with injustice. English writers have sometimes challenged his claim to have translated from the Greek. To me it has had the zest of a pious duty to repeat and enforce the
1599 AD (search for this): part 1, chapter 1
of my project, therefore, if not abandoned, has to be deferred; for it would mean a long delay, and I am admonished that what there is to do must be done quickly. I have complained of the lack of books in Australia, but before concluding I should like to acknowledge my obligations to the book-loving colonists of an earlier generation, to whose irrepressible zeal for learning their successors owe access to many volumes that one would hardly expect to see under the Southern Cross. Thus a 1599 edition of Plutarch in the University Library, embodying the apparatus of Xylander and Cruserius, has helped me much in the question of Amyot's relations to the Greek. Thus, too, I was able to utilise, among other works not easily met with, the first complete translation of Seneca's Tragedies (1581), in the collection of the late Mr. David Scott Mitchell, a clarum et venerabile nomen in New South Wales. May I, as a tribute of gratitude, inform my English readers that this gentleman, after
April 27th, 1909 AD (search for this): part 1, chapter 1
o the State, together with an ample endowment for its maintenance and extension? For much valuable help in the way of information and advice, my thanks are due to my sometime students and present colleagues, first and chiefly, Professor E. R. Holme, then Mr. C. J. Brennan, Mr. J. Le Gay Brereton, Mr. G. G. Nicholson, Dr. F. A. Todd; also to Messrs. Bladen and Wright of the Sydney Public Library for looking out books and references that I required; to Mr. M. L. Mac- Callum for making transcripts for me from books in the Bodleian Library; to Professor Jones of Glasgow University for various critical suggestions; above all to Professor Butler of Sydney University, who has pointed out to me many facts which I might have overlooked and protected me from many errors into which I should have fallen, and to Professor Ker of University College, London, who has most kindly undertaken the irksome task of reading through my proofs. M. W. MacCallum University of Sydney, 27th April, 1909.
1590 AD (search for this): part 2, chapter 1
than that Sidney's sister, the famous Countess of Pembroke, who shared so largely in Sidney's literary tastes and literary gifts, should undertake to give it an English form? It may have been on her part a pious offering to his manes, an in 1590, four years after her brother's death, her version was complete.There is an edition of this by Miss Alice Luce, Literarhistorische Forschungen, 1897, but I am told it is out of print, and at any rate I have been unable to procure it. The extractszens and peasants in the joint work. In so far one is tempted to put the two together about 1591. And there is one detail that perhaps favours this viewthe introduction of the Gaul with his bad English and worse French. In Greene's James IV.(. (c. 1590) the assassin hired to murder Queen Dorothea is also a Frenchman who speaks broken English, and in that play such a personage is quite in keeping, violating the probabilities neither of time nor of place. It is, therefore, much more probable that,
1880 AD (search for this): part 2, chapter 1
and Cassius have an interview before the arrival of the Dictator; the subject of their conversation is the same; it is Cassius too who strikes so much show of fire (fait jaillir l'etincelle) from the soul of Brutus. . . . These characters are painted by Garnier in colours quite similar (to Shakespeare's), and he is momentarily as vigorous and great. In like manner. . . Caesar crosses the stage after the interview of the two conspirators; he is moreover accompanied by Antony.Étude sur Garnier, 1880. In the whole tone and direction of the dialogue, too, Shakespeare resembles Garnier and does not resemble Plutarch. The Life records one short sentence as Brutus' part of the colloquy, while Cassius does nothing more than explain the importance of the anonymous letters and set forth the expectations that Rome has formed of his friend. There is no denunciation in Plutarch of Caesar either for his overgrown power or for his feeble temper; there is no lament for the degeneracy of the Rom
1851 AD (search for this): part 2, chapter 1
nglish in 1561. In his hands, therefore, it is more loosely connected than it originally was, or than once more it has become for us; and something of regularity it forfeits as well, for the dislocated framework led him to regard it as a drama in only four acts. Despite these flaws in his work he is a cleverer craftsman than many of his colleagues in Senecan translation, whose versions of the ten tragedies, most of them already published separately, were collected in a neat little volume in 1851.It is from this that I quote. I have not been able to see either the first edition or the reprint for the Spenser Society. An original argument summarises the story with sufficient clearness. Octauia, daughter to prince Claudius grace, To Nero espousd, whom Claudius did adopt, (Although Syllanus first in husbandes place Shee had receiu'd, whom she for Nero choptExchanged.), Her parentes both, her Make that should have bene, Her husbandes present Tiranny much more, Her owne e
1600 AD (search for this): part 2, chapter 1
d after Elizabeth, and few have survived that were composed before the beginning of the seventeenth century. For long the Historical Drama treated by preference the traditions and annals of the island realm, and only by degrees did the matter of Britain yield its pride of place to the matter of Rome the Grand. Moreover, the earlier Roman Histories are of very inferior importance, and none of them reaches even a moderate standard of merit till the production of Shakespeare's Julius Caesar in 1600 or 1601. In this department Shakespeare had not the light to guide him that he found for his English Histories in Marlowe's Edward II., or even in such plays as The Famous Victories of Henry V. The extant pieces that precede his first experiment, seem only to be groping their way, and it is fair to suppose that the others which have been lost did no better. Their interest, in so far as they have any interest at all, lies in the light they throw on the gradual progress of dramatic art in thi
1300 AD (search for this): part 2, chapter 1
eca himself, the poorest of them all, with most of the faults and few of the virtues of the rest, Octavia, the sole surviving example of the Fabula Praetexta, or the Tragedy that dealt with native Roman themes. The Octavia, however, was not less popular and influential than its companions, and has even a claim to especial attention inasmuch as it may be considered.the remote ancestress of the Modern Historic Play in general and of the Modern Roman Play in particular. It inspired Mussato about 1300 to write in Latin his Eccerinis, which deals with an almost contemporary national subject, the fate of Ezzelino: it inspired the young Muretus about 1544 to write his Julius Caesar, which in turn showed his countrymen the way to treat such themes in French. Before eight years were over they had begun to do so, and many were the Roman plays composed by the School of Ronsard. Certainly Seneca's method would suit the historical dramatist who was not quite at home in his history, for of local col
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