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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 44: Secession.—schemes of compromise.—Civil War.—Chairman of foreign relations Committee.—Dr. Lieber.—November, 1860– April, 1861. (search)
ted in the Boston Advertiser, November 21. Henry Wilson replied to him at length in a trenchant letn slave-trade. Works, vol. v. pp. 437-439; Wilson's History of the Rise and Fall of the Slave Pobate in the Senate, Feb. 9, 1864, when Sumner, Wilson, and other senators took occasion to reaffirm n a leader in the movement against slavery, Wilson's Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, vol. i. po as a slave State. Of the different reports, Wilson says in his History: With the exception of theAmong the negative votes were those of Sumner, Wilson, Foot, Trumbull, Wade, Preston King, and Z. Ch12, 1866, in association with his colleague, Mr. Wilson, for the postponement of a tariff for the inrd. Douglas was bitter in the extreme towards Wilson, Fessenden, and Hale; and Wilson in a brief reWilson in a brief reply justly called his speech mischievous, wicked, and unpatriotic. This was the last of his career,ivate land claims and patents. His colleague, Wilson, became chairman of the committee on military [5 more...]
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 45: an antislavery policy.—the Trent case.—Theories of reconstruction.—confiscation.—the session of 1861-1862. (search)
man of positive loyalty. The seceded States were not represented. Among Northern senators were Wilson of Massachusetts, Morrill and Fessenden of Maine, Hale of New Hampshire, Foot and Collamer of Vefrom his camp and lines, and severely condemned it. The same day he took occasion, in supporting Wilson's resolution for the release of fugitive slaves from the Washington jail, to denounce the slavee bill, he voted against the admission. A number of Republican senators, including Trumbull and Wilson, voted with him. Curiously enough, he often encountered in his antislavery efforts the sharpest rimes, King, Trumbull, Wade, and Wilmot. Among those voting against the amendment were Hale and Wilson. Consideration for the border slave States rather than constitutional scruples determined the fiLegislature of Massachusetts and subsequently recanted, will be related hereafter. His colleague Wilson, as if to make a point, offered five days later a resolution of opposite tenor; but General Scot
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 46: qualities and habits as a senator.—1862. (search)
escended to frivolity; he did not, as is the habit of restless members, keep passing from seat to seat, indulging in small talk with one or another, but remained mostly in his own; Douglas's swagger up and down the aisles is still remembered. Wilson was never so unhappy as when obliged to stay in his seat. Sumner's uniform observance of rules and courtesies in the Senate was referred to in tributes in Congress, April 27, 1874, by Pratt of Indiana in the Senate (Congressional Globe, p. 3403)ankrupt bill, which has long engaged the attention of Congress, was drawn by an eminent judge,—John Lowell, of Boston. and Sumner did as much of it as most men holding his relation to general affairs,—as much, for instance, as Webster or Seward. Wilson probably did not, while chairman of the committee on military affairs during the Civil War, draw one of the bills reported by him,—all being supplied by the Secretary of War, whose proper business it is to adjust the details of the military syste<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 47: third election to the Senate. (search)
Fort Donelson; New Orleans had been taken; and Farragut with his squadron held command of the Lower Mississippi. The reduction of Vicksburg was essential to the opening of the river; but that point could not yet be attained. The hope of the nation had centred for months on McClellan's army, which, after a final reverse before Richmond, retired to Harrison's Landing, where it remained when the session closed. Antislavery senators were charged with interfering with McClellan's plans, and Wilson in an open letter denied the charge for himself and his colleague. Sumner's term was to expire March 4, 1863, and the choice of his successor was to be made by the legislature elected in November, 1862. His other re-elections were not contested; but this time a spirited movement to defeat him was under way early in the year, and broke out openly in the summer. The Democratic party, though supporting the prosecution of the war under the patriotic impulse of the masses, was generally hos
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 48: Seward.—emancipation.—peace with France.—letters of marque and reprisal.—foreign mediation.—action on certain military appointments.—personal relations with foreigners at Washington.—letters to Bright, Cobden, and the Duchess of Argyll.—English opinion on the Civil War.—Earl Russell and Gladstone.—foreign relations.—1862-1863. (search)
your blows be felt at once, without notice or premonition, and especially without time for resistance or debate. Time deserts all who do not appreciate its value. Strike promptly, and time becomes your invaluable ally; strike slowly, gradually, prospectively, and time goes over to the enemy. Only eleven senators on one vote and ten on another voted against the alternative of gradual emancipation. Among them were Fessenden, Grimes, Harlan of Iowa, Lane of Indiana, Pomeroy, and Wade. Wilson voted with Sumner at one stage and against him at another. Sumner, though failing to have the obnoxious provision stricken out, voted for the bill on its final passage, trusting that it would be satisfactorily amended in the House. It did not, however, come to a final vote in that body. Congress had little heart in the President's favorite idea of compensating slave-owners, Mr. Lincoln adhered to the last to his plan of compensated emancipation, and revived it at a Cabinet meeting, Feb
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 49: letters to Europe.—test oath in the senate.—final repeal of the fugitive-slave act.—abolition of the coastwise slave-trade.—Freedmen's Bureau.—equal rights of the colored people as witnesses and passengers.—equal pay of colored troops.—first struggle for suffrage of the colored people.—thirteenth amendment of the constitution.— French spoliation claims.—taxation of national banks.— differences with Fessenden.—Civil service Reform.—Lincoln's re-election.—parting with friends.—1863-1864. (search)
rom slavery to freedom. Works, vol. VIII. pp. 475-524; Wilson's History of the Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, vol. In carried into Congress, on a joint resolution reported by Wilson. The Senate was favorable to equality of pay; but Fessende, Mr. Doolittle, distinguishing Sumner from his colleague Wilson, who had at the beginning taken an opposite view, said of for such an amendment were proposed by Ashley of Ohio and Wilson of Iowa in the House, and by Henderson of Missouri in the colored people. Speaking at the next session in favor of Wilson's bill freeing colored soldiers and their families, he repIndiana, Pomeroy, Ramsey, Sherman, Sprague, Wilkinson, and Wilson. Sumner received unstinted praise from Chandler, a bankerndidacy. Greeley's American Conflict, vol. II. p. 655; Wilson's Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, vol. III. p. 545; Julvol. III. pp. 69, 91, 358, names also Boutwell, Trumbull, Wilson, and W. D. Kelley as supporting the principles of the part
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 50: last months of the Civil War.—Chase and Taney, chief-justices.—the first colored attorney in the supreme court —reciprocity with Canada.—the New Jersey monopoly.— retaliation in war.—reconstruction.—debate on Louisiana.—Lincoln and Sumner.—visit to Richmond.—the president's death by assassination.—Sumner's eulogy upon him. —President Johnson; his method of reconstruction.—Sumner's protests against race distinctions.—death of friends. —French visitors and correspondents.—1864-1865. (search)
urt room encountered the opposition of Sumner, Wilson, Hale, and Wade, in the Senate. It was reportorting to threats, proposed to hold Sumner and Wilson responsible before their constituents and the le man who is murdered by these barbarities. Wilson, who took a middle course, resented their stylientious scruples and went for expediency, and Wilson also voted against the amendment. After the Se's Twenty Years in Congress, vol. II. p. 43; Wilson's Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, vol. III. table were voted down, and even a motion from Wilson to adjourn met the same fate. The contest wennation from the best people of the country. Wilson's Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, vol. III.rd and daughter, Secretary Usher and wife, Senator Wilson and wife, and others. The correspondentbelieved in it, could be imposed by Congress. Wilson, Fessenden, who had an interview with the Pearly in September, expressed the same view to Wilson. E. D. Morgan, Morrill of Maine, and Howard of
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 51: reconstruction under Johnson's policy.—the fourteenth amendment to the constitution.—defeat of equal suffrage for the District of Columbia, and for Colorado, Nebraska, and Tennessee.—fundamental conditions.— proposed trial of Jefferson Davis.—the neutrality acts. —Stockton's claim as a senator.—tributes to public men. —consolidation of the statutes.—excessive labor.— address on Johnson's Policy.—his mother's death.—his marriage.—1865-1866. (search)
part of those who were opposed to his proceedings. Wilson pressed, in the second week of the session, his bilafter the message came in, Sumner took the floor on Wilson's bill for the protection of freedmen, and proceedell, but by Howard, Morrill of Maine, Fessenden, and Wilson—Sumner, although he had prepared himself on the Civns saw in it the speedy regeneration of the South. Wilson approved it with his heart, his conscience, and his those of Brown, Chandler, Howe, Pomeroy, Wade, and Wilson. Henderson's proposition of an amendment to the Courteenth amendment is a curious one. Stevens's and Wilson's extravagant hopes of its efficacy have been notedathy pressed the admission; and some senators, like Wilson, acting from political considerations—which, unhappis instance: How superbly Sumner does! How foolish Wilson, with such a leader at hand, to go so absurdly astrss did not bring his own colleague to his side. Wilson gave his reasons, Dec. 19, 1866 (Congressional Glob
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 52: Tenure-of-office act.—equal suffrage in the District of Columbia, in new states, in territories, and in reconstructed states.—schools and homesteads for the Freedmen.—purchase of Alaska and of St. Thomas.—death of Sir Frederick Bruce.—Sumner on Fessenden and Edmunds.—the prophetic voices.—lecture tour in the West.—are we a nation?—1866-1867. (search)
of their suffrage. Dec. 14, 19, 1866; Jan. 8, 1867; Works, vol. x. pp. 508, 509. Howard and Wilson also denied any obligation to admit the rebel States to representation on their acceptance of thppeal to the caucus. At 5 P. M. the caucus met, and Sumner, warmly encouraged by his colleague Wilson, renewed his proposition excluding discriminations of race and color in the basis of suffrage fostitutional conventions, and as the basis of suffrage in the constitutions of the rebel States. Wilson expressed supreme satisfaction at the result, saying that then and there, in that small room, invening in caucus some few saw the magnitude of the act, and there was corresponding exultation. Wilson wished to dance with somebody. I have given you this narrative because it concerns an importanttmost verge in the interest of freedom, that Sumner's conception was one-sided. His colleague Wilson, as we were coming away from the hall in Boston on the evening of the lecture, said in the tone
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, chapter 10 (search)
ounting to acts of war, as he may think necessary and proper to obtain or effectuate a release. Sumner opposed this amendment as conferring undefined powers, even those of reprisal. July 23. Congressional Globe, pp. 4359, 4360. His colleague Wilson, once a member, like Banks, of the Know-Nothing order, supported the bill, even voting for Williams's amendment. He approved the definition in the bill of the rights of citizenship growing out of expatriation, but Williams's amendment left the merst day of the session. establishing the right to vote and hold office without discrimination as to race or color, in all national, State, territorial, and municipal elections, which received only nine votes, including those of Edmunds, Wade, and Wilson. In a speech he traversed familiar ground, in which he maintained that disabilities of race and color, at once irrational and beyond the power of any individual to remove, were not qualifications or regulations of suffrage which the States could
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