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C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Fourth: orations and political speeches. (search)
greater with us, because, unlike the Hindoos, we acknowledge that men are born equal. The Advocate cites from high authorities, many illustrations of the cruelty and barbarous character of caste, as it appears in India. Bishop Heber, of Calcutta, characterizes Caste as follows: It is a system which tends, more than any else the devil has yet invented, to destroy the feelings of general benevolence, and to make nine-tenths of mankind the hopeless slaves of the remainder. Bishop Wilson, also of Calcutta, the successor of Heber, says:— The Gospel recognizes no such distinctions as those of castes, imposed by a heathen usage, bearing in some respects a supposed religious obligation, condemning those in the lower ranks to perpetual abasement, placing an immovable barrier against all general advance and improvement in society, cutting asunder the bonds of human fellowship on the one hand, and preventing those of Christian love on the other. Such distinctions, I say,
greater with us, because, unlike the Hindoos, we acknowledge that men are born equal. The Advocate cites from high authorities, many illustrations of the cruelty and barbarous character of caste, as it appears in India. Bishop Heber, of Calcutta, characterizes Caste as follows: It is a system which tends, more than any else the devil has yet invented, to destroy the feelings of general benevolence, and to make nine-tenths of mankind the hopeless slaves of the remainder. Bishop Wilson, also of Calcutta, the successor of Heber, says:— The Gospel recognizes no such distinctions as those of castes, imposed by a heathen usage, bearing in some respects a supposed religious obligation, condemning those in the lower ranks to perpetual abasement, placing an immovable barrier against all general advance and improvement in society, cutting asunder the bonds of human fellowship on the one hand, and preventing those of Christian love on the other. Such distinctions, I say,
uman Nature the Crime against Kansas Vice-President Wilson's account analysis of the speech assf the effort drew attention and opposition. Mr. Wilson, of Pennsylvania, at once objected: This woulatforms, irreconcilable with justice. Mr. Henry Wilson, who was afterwards to be elected to the we shall follow the relation of it by Vice-President Wilson, as it will appear in the second volum In addition to the well-known accuracy of Mr. Wilson as a public writer, he had the further advancal rights. It was accordingly agreed that Mr. Wilson should call the attention of the Senate to tspace in the Chamber and all its approaches, Mr. Wilson rose, and having narrated briefly the facts mediately withdrew the words. The charge of Mr. Wilson led to a challenge from Mr. Brooks, which wage, if he should be struck down by violence, Mr. Wilson armed himself for defence, resolved to go whof Mr. Orr of South Carolina, as he informed Mr. Wilson in the winter of 1873, when on his way to Ru[6 more...]
llen, as in the Arabian tale, to the power and dimensions of a giant. The next article under discussion provided for the surrender of fugitives from justice. Mr. Butler and Mr. Charles Pinckney, both from South Carolina, now moved openly to require fugitive slaves and servants to be delivered up like criminals. Here was no disguise. With Hamlet it was now said in spirit: Seems, madam, nay, it is; I know not seems. But the very boldness of the effort drew attention and opposition. Mr. Wilson, of Pennsylvania, at once objected: This would oblige the Executive of the State to do it at the public expense. Mr. Sherman, of Connecticut, saw no more propriety in the public seizing and surrendering a slave or servant, than a horse. Under the pressure of these objections, the offensive proposition was quietly withdrawn— never more to be renewed. The article for the surrender of criminals was then adopted. On the next day, 29th August, profiting by the suggestions already made, Mr.
and everybody around me, of all sorts, confess it. In addition to what he had already said in the Senate, Mr. Chase also wrote:—I have read, as well as heard, your truly great speech. Hundreds of thousands will read it, and everywhere it will carry conviction to all willing to be convinced, and will infuse a feeling of incertitude and a fearful looking for judgment in the minds of those who resist the light, and toil in the harness of party platforms, irreconcilable with justice. Mr. Henry Wilson, who was afterwards to be elected to the Senate, and from its floor to its Presidency, wrote:—I have read your glorious speech. How proud I am that God gave me the power to aid in placing you in the Senate! You have exhausted the question. Hereafter all that can be said will be to repeat your speech. It will afford to any one the most complete view of the questions in dispute, of anything ever published. Hon. Stephen C. Phillips, who had rendered important aid in organizing the f
most powerful of all Mr. Sumner's speeches, will always be associated with the infamous attempt to murder him in the Senate Chamber, two days after its delivery. In giving an account of the assault, we shall follow the relation of it by Vice-President Wilson, as it will appear in the second volume of his History of the Rise and Fall of the Slave Power in America, for an early copy of which we are indebted to the friendship of the author. In addition to the well-known accuracy of Mr. Wilsongiving an account of the assault, we shall follow the relation of it by Vice-President Wilson, as it will appear in the second volume of his History of the Rise and Fall of the Slave Power in America, for an early copy of which we are indebted to the friendship of the author. In addition to the well-known accuracy of Mr. Wilson as a public writer, he had the further advantage in this case, of being on the spot when this most cowardly act in the history of modern civilization, was perpetrated.
d him and said: I have read your speech twice over, carefully. It is a libel on South Carolina and Mr. Butler, who is a relative of mine. While these words were passing from his lips he commenced a series of blows with a bludgeon upon the Senator's head, by which the latter was stunned, disabled and smitten down, bleeding and insensible, on the floor of the chamber. From that floor he was taken by friends, borne to the ante-room, where his wounds were dressed, and then he was carried by Mr. Wilson, assisted by Captain Darling, door-keeper of the House, faint and bleeding, to his lodgings. This cowardly and audacious assault deeply moved the public mind, not only at Washington, but throughout the country, though the personal participants therein, the criminal and his victim, were very much lost sight of in the moral and political significance of the act. For the moment Sumner and Brooks were regarded mainly as representative men, exponents of the two civilizations which divided t
t, though the night was dark and the future was forbidding, it was no time to despair or to remit effort. Nor would they, without remonstrance, submit to such an invasion of their personal and political rights. It was accordingly agreed that Mr. Wilson should call the attention of the Senate to the subject the next day, and, unless some member of the dominant party should move a committee of investigation, Mr. Seward should make such motion. On the assembling of the Senate, amid deep excitement, crowds filling every available space in the Chamber and all its approaches, Mr. Wilson rose, and having narrated briefly the facts of the transaction, said: Sir, to assail a member of the Senate out of this Chamber for words spoken in debate is a grave offence, not only against the rights of a Senator, but the constitutional privileges of this House; but, sir, to come into this Chamber and assault a member in his seat, until he falls exhausted and senseless on this floor, is an offence re
rty of debate and freedom of discussion upon this floor so long as I live. Mr. Wilson remarked that there was no conflict between the statements of Mr. Sumner and at the request of Senators, he immediately withdrew the words. The charge of Mr. Wilson led to a challenge from Mr. Brooks, which was borne to him by General Lane of Oregon, afterward Democratic candidate for the Vice-Presidency. Mr. Wilson, against the urgent advice of Mr. Giddings, Mr. Colfax and other friends, immediately reting sent this reply by James Buffinton, a member of the House from his State, Mr. Wilson telegraphed to his wife, then in Massachusetts: Have declined to fight a duelhis son, then only ten years of age, if he should be struck down by violence, Mr. Wilson armed himself for defence, resolved to go where duty called. At once a meeti prevented mainly by the efforts of Mr. Orr of South Carolina, as he informed Mr. Wilson in the winter of 1873, when on his way to Russia as Minister of the United St
ugh the parties and their immediate friends were satisfied, others were not. The arrangement was soon the subject of public comment and unfavorable criticism. Mr. Burlingame having left Washington to enter the Presidential canvass in the West, Mr. Wilson telegraphed him to return immediately, and he did so. On his return, a copy of the Boston Courier of July 18, containing the terms of settlement, and an article severely criticising Mr. Burlingame's action, was placed in his hands by his colleaaccepted, and the arrangements and details were referred to Lewis D. Campbell of Ohio. Burlingame absented himself from the House, remaining the most of the day in the room of one of his colleagues. Early in the evening he met and walked with Mr. Wilson in the grounds east of the Capitol. He then expected to meet Brooks outside of the District the next morning. He spoke of his wife, his children and friends at home; and, on parting, said: My friend, you know my position; I want you to explai