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rt of a general programme, which contemplated an invasion also of the North, and a formidable uprising of Rebel sympathizers in the North-West. He first learned through his spies in the Rebel lodges that Vallandigham was soon to return openly from Canada to Ohio, and be sent thence to the Democratic National Convention at Chicago. lie further discovered that arms were extensively coming into the State, and going into the hands of those suspected of Rebel sympathies; and he transmitted to Washington urgent representations that perils environed him, which required an augmentation of his force. Gen. Hunt was thereupon sent to Missouri by Gen. Grant, and traversed the State on a tour of observation; returning strong in the belief that Rosecrans's apprehensions were excessive, and that no more force was needed in this department. Still, Rosecrans, without encouragement from Washington, prosecuted his investigations; and, upon evidence that, at a recent meeting of one of the lodges afo
efeats Hancock at Reams's Station Warren advances to and over the Squirrel level road Butler assaults and carries Fort Harrison field fails to retake it Meade advances to Hatcher's Run Egan routs Heth Hancock repels Wade Hampton Hancock retires losses of the campaign criticisms. Hon. E. B. Washburne, of Illinois--the townsman and zealous friend of Gen. Grant--having proposed Dec. 14, 1863. the revival of the grade of Lieutenant-General of our armies, hitherto accorded to George Washington alone (Gen. Scott being such only by brevet), the House, not without considerable hesitation, assented ; Feb. 1, 1864. after negativing, by the emphatic vote of 117 to 19, a motion, by Gen. Garfield, to lay the proposition on the table, and adopting, by 111 to 41, an amendment moved by Mr. Ross, of Ill., respectfully recommending Ulysses S. Grant for the post. The Senate concurred: Feb. 24. Yeas 31; Nays 6: having first amended the joint resolve so as to strike out so much of it
st and most conflicting reports being in circulation. He soon learned by telegram from Sigel, on Maryland Heights, that the enemy lately beleaguering him had left, marching northward, as if making for Pennsylvania; while he had assurances from Washington that a corps of veterans were hurrying to his assistance. General Ricketts, with a brigade of good soldiers, belonging to the 19th corps, actually came up. Finding the enemy in his front rapidly growing formidable, and threatening to turn his came up Aug. 4. himself, to obtain, if possible, a better understanding of what was going on. In his conference with Hunter, that officer expressed a willingness to be relieved, if that were deemed desirable; and Grant at once telegraphed to Washington to have Sheridan sent up to Harper's Ferry; himself awaiting there that officer's arrival. An order soon appeared Aug. 7. appointing Maj.-Gen. Philip H. Sheridan commander of the new Middle Department, composed of the late Departments of W
rous quicksands of eastern Georgia, or the flooded swamps of South Carolina. Had Lee's effective force (by his muster-rolls, 64,000 men — but suppose the number available for such a campaign but 50,000), swelled by such reenforcements as Hardee, Beauregard, Wheeler, and Hoke, might have afforded him, been hurled upon Sherman, as he confidently approached Savannah, Columbia, or Fayetteville, it is indeed possible that the blow — so closely resembling that dealt to Cornwallis at Yorktown by Washington and Rochambeau — might have been effectively, countered (as theirs was not) by the hurried movement southward by water of corps after corps of the Army of the Potomac; yet the necessity of stopping Sherman's career was so indubitably manifest and vital that it seems strange that every thing was not staked on a throw where success would have kindled new hope in so many sinking hearts, while defeat could only have been what inaction was — ruin. But any suggestion of the abandonment of the
d barely entered the woods, when a large force of the enemy was discovered concealed by breastworks. He opened fire, which was handsomely returned. In this affair three of the Sixteenth New York Volunteers were wounded. The skirmishers report the force of the enemy greatly damaged by Green's battery. I made no other attempt on this ford, my orders being on no account to get into a general engagement. As I was again returning to Blenker's position, I received the notice to telegraph to Washington, which I found had been done by Lieutenant Wendell, topographical engineer in my staff, and was compelled by illness to remain at my Headquarters. It was at this time the order was received to put two brigades on the Warrenton turnpike, at the bridge. I without delay sent a staff officer to order forward Davies' brigade, but whilst this officer was executing my instructions Davies sent word he wanted a reserve regiment forward, that the enemy, some 3,000, was attempting to turn his flank
e corps has been strengthened by the accession of two regular field-batteries. The effective strength of the infantry, under McDowell, may be taken at 30,000, and there are about sixty field-pieces at his disposal, and a force of about ten squadrons of cavalry. Here follows an account of McClellan's Division in Western Virginia. The division under Gen. Patterson is about 22,000 strong, and has three batteries of artillery attached to it; and Gen. Mansfield, who commands the army of Washington and the reserve watching the Capitol, has under him a corps of 16,000 men almost exclusively volunteers; Gen. McDowell has also left a strong guard in his intrenchments along the right bank of the Potomac, guarding the bridges and covering the roads to Alexandria, Fairfax, and Falls Church. The division in military occupation of Maryland under Gen. Banks, most of which is concentrated in and around Baltimore, consists of 7,400 men, with some field-guns. The corps at Fortress Monroe and H
h generals in writing orders to the different brigades to prepare for a forward movement in the morning. General Beauregard's plans were to be carried out in a great measure, and the rout of the enemy would have been more signal, and doubtless Washington would now be in our possession, if our attack had not been converted into a defence by the movements of the enemy. We intended to move about eight o'clock, and they commenced their attack before our movement could be made. From a letter writt ten millions of people. Comrades! Our brothers who have fallen have earned undying renown, and their blood, shed in our holy cause, is a precious and acceptable sacrifice to the Father of Truth and Right; their graves are beside the tomb of Washington, their spirits have joined his in eternal communion. We will hold the soil in which the dust of Washington is mingled with the dust of our brothers. We drop one tear on their laurels, and move forward to avenge them. Soldiers! We congratul
e made to their numbers, and, with their present knowledge of the ground, they will return with fresh energy and determination to the work of putting down the rebellion. And the people at large will rally with still greater devotion to the Government, the Constitution, and the Union. In the Revolution, our troops were terribly cut up on Brooklyn Heights; yet that calamity proved the salvation of the country, since it developed the masterly Fabian system of tactics subsequently pursued by Washington.--N. Y. Commercial Advertiser. To the brave man defeat is only an argument for new effort. Our banner, which has been trailing in the dust, must be lifted up towards the stars. Overwhelming numbers have repulsed our army, after it had conquered an equal force entrenched behind earthworks and masked batteries. Our retreating columns have fallen back to Alexandria and Washington, leaving hundreds of our brave fellows on the soil where they fell so heroically. But why recount the disas
a Government that is built upon and perpetuated upon the principles laid down by the Constitution, which was formed by Washington and his compeers, after coming from the heat and strife of bloody revolution. (Applause.) I repeat, again, that I h to stand here among you as one of the humble upholders and supporters of the Stars and Stripes that have been borne by Washington through a seven years revolution — a bold and manly struggle for our independence — and separation from the mother country. That is my flag — that flag was borne by Washington in triumph. Under it I want to live, and under no other. It is that flag that has been borne in triumph by the Revolutionary fathers over every battle-field, when our brave men after toil antly. I repeat that I am proud to be in your midst — am amongst this vast number to uphold the flag that was borne by Washington — the emblem of the Union of States. (Applause.) I have intimated that I should make some allusion to myself. I ha
l powers of an executive nature, not denied to the President or given with limitations, and not inconsistent with the general character of the Government, are in the President by force of the terms, the executive power shall be vested in a President. This rule was long since laid down by Alexander Hamilton, one of the chief founders of the Constitution, and one of the ablest of its defenders whilst it was under the consideration of the people. The proclamation of neutrality issued by General Washington in April, 1793, was bitterly assailed at the time as being beyond his constitutional authority. Hamilton, in a series of letters under the signature of Pacificus, defended it, and in the first of the series laid down the rule here stated. He maintained that the power there exercised was in its nature executive, and therefore in the President, and referred to the different terms in which the powers are granted to Congress and the President respectively, by the first and second article