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open, infamous and successful attempt to elect a sectional President, on purely sectional grounds; to make the South a province and the North its master. But when the war came — the war which, among a free and independent people, was the inevitable result of such usurpation — where were those who had kindled its flames and forged its thunders? Where is Joshua R. Giddings? Enjoying a snug and secure Consul-Generalship in Canada. Where is John P. Hale, of Vermont; Sumner, of Massachusetts; Trumbull, of Illinois; Wade, of Ohio; King, of New York? Where is the bellicose Michigan Senator, who wrote the famous letters in behalf of "blood-letting? " Where are Burlingame, Clay and Carl Shurz? Enjoying the luxury of a foreign mission, while their miserable tools at home are paying the bloody price of their exaltation. Even more base and ignoble is the position of the infamous man to whom, more than any other, the present war is owing--Wm. H. Seward--the slimy, unscrupulous, malignant demag
nto the expediency of repealing the fugitive slave law. In view of prohibiting the consideration of peace propositions, the vote on restricting the business to war matters was reconsidered and again adopted. On the motion to amend, by allowing the consideration of judiciary questions, the vote was again reconsidered, and thus amended was again adopted. The proceedings are thus confined to our revenue and judiciary matters. A Cavordish committee of five has been appointed, with power to send for persons and papers, to investigate the details of army contracts, and with the privilege of reporting at all times. In the House a bill was passed appropriating six millions of dollars to relieve distress in the army. The President has been called on for the correspondence with Spain relative to San Domingo affairs. Senate.--A bill has been passed remitting the duties on arms. Mr. Trumbull, of Illinois, delivered an eulogy on the death of Judge Douglas.
gation, but of liberty and freedom. It is the intention and deliberate purpose of the loyal States to accomplish this; this purpose cannot be shaken, whatever disasters may occur, or however disheartened they may be by unforeseen repulses, they will never abandon their Constitution to which they have pledged their lives, their fortunes and their sacred honors. The petition was laid on the table. Mr. Fessenden reported back a bill for the additional support of the army. Mr. Trumbull, a bill confiscating property used for insurrectionary purposes. A bill for the benefit of the officers and soldiers employed in defending Fort Sumter was referred to the committee on military affairs. Mr. Breckinridge moved that the Senate take up the resolution No. 1, and make it the special order for to-morrow at 1 o'clock. The Senate then went into Executive session. House of Representatives.--On motion of Mr. Washburne, it was resolved that the committee on commer
ich has the support of over 100,000 armed men and five-sixths of the Senators of the North ready and willing to uphold its acts. I say it was a thrilling spectacle to see one man boldly and indignantly denounce the actions of this unlimited power. As he read the Constitution to those men who seek its overthrow, and time and again coolly challenged them to refute his statements, he inspired those in the gallery with an irrepressible feeling of patriotism that escaped in burats of applause. When he alluded to the perils before the country, and exhorted the people to look to their Constitution and their rights before it should be forever too late, his voice trembled, and, by its uncontrollable modulations, it could be seen that his emotions were not to be easily restrained. At the conclusion of his remarks, a burst of sympathetic applause went up from the galleries, that was only repressed by the remarks of Mr. Trumbull, who addressed the galleries on the score of indecorum.
The Daily Dispatch: July 24, 1861., [Electronic resource], New Publication — map of the Confederate States. (search)
Northern Congress. Washington, July 22. --In the House, to-day Mr. Crittenden's resolution charging civil war upon the South, was passed by yeas 122 to ays 2. Messrs. Burnett and Reid voted nay. In the Senate, the bill providing for the confiscation of the property of rebels found in arms against the United States was taken up Mr. Trumbull offered an amendment the slaves employed to aid the rebels shall be for recited by the master. The bill was passed, by eas 32 to nays 6--Messrs. Breckinridge Johnson of Missouri, Kennedy, Pearce, Poll and Howell. [second Dispatch.] Washington, July 22. --In the Senate to-day he bill to increase the military establishments was returned from the House, and the Senate refused to concur in the amendments proposed. A message was received from the President and the Senate went into Executive session. In the House, Mr. Wright offered a resolution to the effect that the reverses at Bull' Run in no way impaired the ultima
rous affair at Bull Run, relieve General Scott of the responsibility, and clearly fix it upon the shoulders of the President. General Scott does not say so, but the inference is clear that his better judgment was overruled by the wishes of Mr. Lincoln. But how was Mr. Lincoln inveigled into those masked batteries? By this insane war cry of our anti-slavery Jacobin club, of "Onward to Richmond;" by the incessant pressure upon him of such abolition hot-heads in Congress as Sumner, Lovejoy, Trumbull, Chandler, and others of that school, and by the ceaseless clamor of such Jacobin organs as the New York Tribune and Times. "Honest Old Abe" must now perceive that they have been leading him on the broad highway to destruction, and that General Scott's grand and infallible plan for a short war has thus already been destroyed. [from the New York Daily News.] The mischievous person who presides over the columns of the Daily Times has by some blunder managed to tell the public some tr
n adjoining States, but this bill provides for the destruction of personal and political rights everywhere. The bill, he said, was intended, and if passed would accomplish the abolition of State rights and personal and political liberty. Mr. Trumbull said the Senator from Kentucky (Mr. Breckinridge) had objected to the provisional exercise of military law, he would ask whether military law was not now exercised — whether men were not arrested in Illinois, Missouri and Maryland by military bouts, he answers that it would be incompatible with public interest. They are spirited away from one fortress to another, and the President refuses to state where they are, or the reason why they were removed. The Senator from Illinois (Mr. Trumbull) accused me the other day of being malignant in my remarks of the Executive. I have to say that what I have done I have done freely. I have criticized the acts of the President with the freedom of a representative, and will continue to do so
A Picture of the Federal Congress. --The Baltimore Exchange, in an editorial upon Trumbull's bill of abominations, styled an amended bill "to suppress insurrection and sedition, and for other purposes," says: The most malignant Jacobians of the Constituent Assembly, the Robespierres, St Just, Barreres, Couthons, and their followers, have their prototypes in the present Congress of the United States. In that mad Carnival of radical Republicans, when a harlot was adored as the Goddessen the acts of the French Republicans nearly three quarters of a century ago, and those of the American Republicans of to day? We might compare the lave passed by both, and show their similarity in all essential particulars, and we might cite Mr Trumbull's bill as the crowning infamy of a long series of outrages; but we forbear. It is sufficient for us to note the accuracy with which history sometimes repeats itself, and to warn every man who loves liberty and hates oppression to take heed, l
ecursor of others equally severe? What if the sums already squandered in organizing one army be but the prelude to a system of taxation which, if permitted to go into operation, would, in the midst of the prevailing paralysis in trade, not only involve personal sacrifices too grievous to be borne with equanimity, but would bequeath also an enormous burthen of debt to posterity? Such a system of direct and indirect taxation Congress now proposes to inaugurate, and under the sharp spur of Mr. Trumbull's revenue bill the people of the North are beginning to speculate upon the probable cost of the war, and to ponder over its consequences. The touchstone of a prospective army of tax gatherers is well calculated to quicken their perceptions. We are not, therefore, at all surprised to learn that peace meetings have become far more frequent at the North during the past ten days, and that the opposition to the sanguinary policy of the Administration is gaining numbers of adherents, even fro
The Daily Dispatch: October 1, 1861., [Electronic resource], Gen. Washington on Arrests for treason. (search)
Gen. Washington on Arrests for treason. At the time of the revolutionary war, Gen. George Washington wrote to Gov. Trumbull, of Connecticut, in the following words. His language has been supposed by some to be capable of a modern application: "Would it not be prudent to seize those Tories who have been, are, and we know will be, active against us? Why should persons who are preying upon the vitals of their country be suffered to stalk about while we know they will do us every mischief in their power?"