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C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Fourth: orations and political speeches. (search)
om is the only one now before the American people. All other questions being withdrawn, what remains for those who, in casting their votes, regard principles rather than men? It is clear, that the only question of any present practical interest is that arising from the usurpations of the Slave Power, and the efforts to extend slavery. This is the vital question of our country at this time. It is the question of questions. It was lately said in the Convention of the New York Democracy at Utica, (and I am glad to allude to the doings of that most respectable body of men,) that the movement in which we are now engaged was the most important of any since the American Revolution. Something more might have been said. It is a continuance of the American Revolution. It is an effort to carry into effect the principles of the Declaration of Independence, and to revive in the administration of our government the spirit of Washington, Franklin, and Jefferson; to bring back the Constitution
om is the only one now before the American people. All other questions being withdrawn, what remains for those who, in casting their votes, regard principles rather than men? It is clear, that the only question of any present practical interest is that arising from the usurpations of the Slave Power, and the efforts to extend slavery. This is the vital question of our country at this time. It is the question of questions. It was lately said in the Convention of the New York Democracy at Utica, (and I am glad to allude to the doings of that most respectable body of men,) that the movement in which we are now engaged was the most important of any since the American Revolution. Something more might have been said. It is a continuance of the American Revolution. It is an effort to carry into effect the principles of the Declaration of Independence, and to revive in the administration of our government the spirit of Washington, Franklin, and Jefferson; to bring back the Constitution
ator of the Anti-Slavery Enterprise in our day,—then ruthlessly tearing him away, amidst savage threats and with a halter about his neck, dragged him through the streets, until, at last, guilty only of loving liberty, if not wisely, too well, this unoffending citizen was thrust into the common jail for protection against an infuriated populace. Nor was Boston alone. Even villages, in remote rural solitude, belched forth in similar outrage; while the large towns, like Providence, New Haven, Utica. Worcester, Alton, Cincinnati, Baltimore, Philadelphia and New York, became so many fiery craters, overflowing with rage and madness. What lawless violence failed to accomplish was next urged through the forms of law. By solemn legislative acts, the Slave States called on the Free States promptly and effectually to suppress all associations within their respective limits purporting to be Abolition Societies; and Rhode Island, Massachusetts, and New York basely hearkened to the base propos
ator of the Anti-Slavery Enterprise in our day,—then ruthlessly tearing him away, amidst savage threats and with a halter about his neck, dragged him through the streets, until, at last, guilty only of loving liberty, if not wisely, too well, this unoffending citizen was thrust into the common jail for protection against an infuriated populace. Nor was Boston alone. Even villages, in remote rural solitude, belched forth in similar outrage; while the large towns, like Providence, New Haven, Utica. Worcester, Alton, Cincinnati, Baltimore, Philadelphia and New York, became so many fiery craters, overflowing with rage and madness. What lawless violence failed to accomplish was next urged through the forms of law. By solemn legislative acts, the Slave States called on the Free States promptly and effectually to suppress all associations within their respective limits purporting to be Abolition Societies; and Rhode Island, Massachusetts, and New York basely hearkened to the base propos
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Eighth: the war of the Rebellion. (search)
ove he must have borne to the fair being for whom he had treasured up his boyhood's jewels, for whom he gave up everything of the earth earthy, to rescue a Republic, and then go back after this episode of suffering to inaugurate the life of a citizen farmer on the bleak hills of New York:—if all this could not sustain him, what could?— In former visits to him he had made me his confidant in regard to these matters. He seemed to be haunted with the idea that he would, after all, return to Utica, and once more see those he loved; and yet he also seemed to me like one whose days were numbered, and the surgeon had told me, after repeated counsels with his professional brethren, that it was next to impossible to save his life, and that I must not expect it. All the while I clung to the belief that some vitality of faith, or love, or hope, or patriotism, or divine aid, would still send that boy back to the banks of the Mohawk. I saw another nervous twitch around the temples. I fe
ove he must have borne to the fair being for whom he had treasured up his boyhood's jewels, for whom he gave up everything of the earth earthy, to rescue a Republic, and then go back after this episode of suffering to inaugurate the life of a citizen farmer on the bleak hills of New York:—if all this could not sustain him, what could?— In former visits to him he had made me his confidant in regard to these matters. He seemed to be haunted with the idea that he would, after all, return to Utica, and once more see those he loved; and yet he also seemed to me like one whose days were numbered, and the surgeon had told me, after repeated counsels with his professional brethren, that it was next to impossible to save his life, and that I must not expect it. All the while I clung to the belief that some vitality of faith, or love, or hope, or patriotism, or divine aid, would still send that boy back to the banks of the Mohawk. I saw another nervous twitch around the temples. I fe
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 2, Chapter 1: the Boston mob (second stage).—1835. (search)
the Boston mob, while addressing the Vermont State Anti-Slavery Society in the hall of the House of Representatives (Lib. 5.174; May's Recollections, p. 153). The Utica news you will find in S. J. May. the Journal of Commerce, though that paper evidently gives a distorted account of the matter. The mobbing of the New York Starrived from New York. Glorious news! A letter in the Commercial Advertiser (Col. Stone's), written by a man not an abolitionist, says the Convention assembled at Utica; organized by appointing a chairman and enrolling six hundred members. A constitution was adopted for a State Society, Lib. 5.174, 175, 181, 190; May's Recollectcertainly deserves much credit for the Christian manliness and magnanimity which he manifests in joining our ranks at this perilous crisis. So much for the mob at Utica! W. L. Garrison to Mary Benson, at Providence. Brooklyn, November 27, 1835. Ms. Much as my mind is absorbed in the anti-slavery cause, there are other
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 2, Chapter 2: Germs of contention among brethren.—1836. (search)
pardon of our offences. On our obedience to this command is suspended our only hope of salvation. Yet he immediately adds—If a man break into my house, it does not follow that I should not take proper means to have him put in prison!! Go to Utica, by all means. True, you are wanted very much in Connecticut, at this crisis, and perhaps you can so arrange matters as to labor here till the May meeting. At all events, go to Utica. I would rather see you in charge of an abolition paper, or Utica. I would rather see you in charge of an abolition paper, or any other moral reform paper, than any other man in the range of my acquaintance. You may do much, I know, as a correspondent of the Emancipator, but you ought never to vacate the editorial chair as long as you have strength to fill it. Write me again soon. Yours affectionately, Wm. Lloyd Garrison. It was barely a week after the appearance of the editorial review in the Liberator that Dr. Channing and Mr. Garrison met for the first time, drawn to one place by a common interest in pres
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 2, Chapter 3: the Clerical appeal.—1837. (search)
s, will tell mightily for good or evil. Whether Fitch and Woodbury will try to rally their forces on that occasion, I do not know, but think it highly probable. Should you attend, let your soul speak out as God shall give it utterance—and think not of me as your brotherin-law, but only of our glorious cause. You are, happily, too well known to be charged with being swerved or biased by our connexion. Bro. May and Phelps will be there—the Grimkes —Alvan Stewart, An eminent lawyer of Utica, N. Y., who took a leading part in the formation of the State Anti-Slavery Society in 1835 (ante, p. 42). He was not present at Worcester, nor was Gerrit Smith. The Rev. Joshua Leavitt, editor of the Emancipator, alone represented the American Society. and perhaps Gerrit Smith, and many others. The meeting will probably hold two days, but perhaps only one. . . . The course of reasoning marked out in your letter, to be given at Worcester, is very good and conclusive. I have not time or room to<
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 2, Chapter 4: Pennsylvania Hall.—the non-resistance society.—1838. (search)
the disappointed of other parties. East and West were harmonious in this view. The Philanthropist, in Cincinnati, opposed with forcible arguments Lib. 8.74. the desire of some Ohio abolitionists to run a special candidate for Governor. At Utica, N. Y., Goodell, in his Lib. 8.137, 141, 145, 149, 153. Friend of Man, ably and with much particularity set forth the political creed of abolitionists, which he summed up in one profession: We will vote for no man who votes against liberty. His artduced them in the Liberator, and their doctrine was embodied in the twenty-one resolutions on political action presently adopted, after a whole day's discussion, Lib. 8.155, 158. at the great meeting of the New York State Anti-Slavery Society at Utica in September. These were from Goodell's own pen (Lib. 8.158; Goodell's Slavery and Anti-Slavery, p. 469). In New York city, the Emancipator published approvingly the forms of political anti-slavery pledges beginning to be circulated there, an