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George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 7, 4th edition., Chapter 18: (search)
orcing these measures. Rochford held Lord Chatham, jointly with the Americans, responsible in his own person for disagreeable consequences. Lyttelton reproached Chatham with spreading the fire of sedition, and the Americans with designing to Chap. XVIII.} 1775. Jan. 20. emancipate themselves from the act of navigation. ChathChatham closed the debate as he had opened it, by insisting on the right of Great Britain to regulate the commerce of the whole empire; but as to the right of the Americans to exemption from taxation, except by their implied or express assent, they derived it from God, nature, and the British constitution. Franklin with rapt admiration; in matter and manner far beyond what I can express; it must have an infinite effect without doors, the bar being crowded with Americans. The statesmanship of Chatham and the close reasoning of Camden, availed no more than the whistling of the winds; the motion was rejected by a vote of sixty-eight against eighteen; but the duk
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 7, 4th edition., Chapter 20: (search)
his own candor, and declared for rejecting the plan immediately. This even Grafton advised; and Gower demanded. Perceiving the fixed purpose of the ministry, Chatham poured upon them a torrent of invective. This bill, said he, though rejected here, will make its way to the public, to the nation, to the remotest wilds of Ameri money for their votes, and pay money wherewith ministers may bribe their representatives when chosen. Yet the wilfulness of the lords was happy for America; for Chatham's proposition contained clauses, to which it never could safely have assented, and yet breathed a spirit which must have calmed its resentment, distracted its cou New England; the next, to call out the savages on the rear of the colonies; the next, to excite a servile insurrection. Accordingly, Lord North on the day after Chatham's defeat, proposed to the commons a joint address to the king to declare that a rebellion existed in Massachusetts, and to pledge their lives and properties to it
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 8, Chapter 48: (search)
perty in America. The people of Massachusetts resisted: the king answered, blows must decide. A congress of the colonies approved the conduct of Massachusetts; parliament pledged itself to the king. In 1773 a truce was possible; after the alteration of the charter of Massachusetts, in 1774, America would have been pacified by a simple repeal of obnoxious acts; in 1775, after blood had been shed at Lexington, some security for the future was needed. British statesmen of all schools but Chatham's, affirmed the power of parliament to tax America; America denied that it could be rightfully taxed by a body in which it was not represented, for taxation and representation were inseparable. British politicians rejoined, that taxation was but an act of legislation; that, therefore, to deny to parliament the right of taxation, was to deny to parliament all right of legislation for the colonies, even for the regulation of trade. To this America made answer that, in reason and truth, repr
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 8, Chapter 49: (search)
therefore called upon to disclose all traitorous conspiracies, and to transmit to one of the secretaries of state full information of all persons who should be found carrying on correspondence with, or in any manner or degree aiding or abetting the persons now in open arms and rebellion against the government within any of the colonies in North America, in order to bring to condign punishment the authors, perpetrators, and abettors of such traitorous designs. This proclamation, aimed at Chatham, Camden, Barre, and their friends, and at the boldest of the Rockingham party, even more than against the Americans, was read without the customary ceremonies at the Royal Exchange, where it was received with a general hiss. The ministry could no longer retrace their steps without resigning their places; war was menaced against the remnant of a popular party in England. As to the colonies, the king would perish rather than consent to repeal the alterations in the charter of Massachusetts,
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 8, Chapter 51: (search)
fame, and eagerly went about knocking for admission at every gate but the right one. He owed his rehabilitation to Rockingham, to whom he instantly proved false; Chatham would never sit with him at the council board. His career was unprosperous, from causes within himself. His powers were very much overrated; he had a feverish a kept alive in Europe the vestal fire of freedom, was at this time outside of the Chap. LI.} 1775. Nov. government, though steadily gaining political strength. Chatham, while he had life in him, was its nerve. Had Grenville been living, it would have included Grenville; it retained Rockingham, Grenville's successor; it had now recovered Grafton, Chatham's successor; and Lord North, who succeeded Grafton, sided with Germain and Sandwich only by spasms, and though he loved his place, was more against his own ministry than for it. The king's policy was not in harmony with the England of the Revolution, nor with that of the eighteenth century, nor with that
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 8, Chapter 56: (search)
ice of the harbinger, crying in the wilderness. The people had grown weary of atrophied institutions, and longed to fathom the mystery of the life of the public life. Instead of continuing a superstitious reverence for the sceptre and the throne, as the symbols of order, they yearned for a nearer converse with the eternal rules of right as the generative principles of social peace. The spirit of the people far outran conventions and congresses. Reid, among Scottish metaphysicians, and Chatham, the foremost of British statesmen, had discovered in common sense the criterion of morals and truth; the common sense of the people Chap. LVI.} 1776. Jan. now claimed its right to sit in judgment on the greatest question ever raised in the political world. But here as elsewhere, the decision rose out of the affections; all the colonies, as though they had been but one individual being, felt themselves wounded to the soul, when they heard and could no longer doubt, that George the Third
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 8, Chapter 61: (search)
by such motives. Experience has but too well proved, that they regard as just and honorable whatever is advantageous to their own nation or destructive to their rivals. Their statesmen never calculate the actual amount of ill which France does them, but the amount of ill which she may one day be able to do them. The opposition seem to have embraced the same general maxims; and the ministry may seize the only way of extricating themselves from their embarrassment by giving up the reins to Chatham, who, with Shelburne, Sandwich, Richmond, and Weymouth, may come to terms with the Americans, and employ the enormous mass of forces put in activity, to rectify the conditions of the last treaty of peace, against which they have ever passionately protested. Englishmen of all parties are persuaded that a popular war against France or an invasion of Mexico would terminate, or at least allay, their domestic dissensions, as well as furnish resources for the extin- Chap. LXI.} 1776. Mar. guis
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 10, Chapter 3: (search)
which she can knock for auxiliaries; and nothing remains to her but her electorate of Hanover, exposed to be invaded by France the moment that she shall leave it bare of troops. Frederic to Maltzan, 18 Dec., 1777. England made originally an awkward mistake in going to war with its colonies; then followed the illusion of being able to subjugate them by a corps of seven thousand men; next, the scattering its different corps, which has caused the failure of all its enterprises. I am of Chatham's opinion, that the ill success of England is due to the ignorance, rashness, and incapacity of its ministry. Even should there be a change in the ministry, the tories would still retain the ascendency. Frederic to Maltzan, 22 Dec., 1777. The primal source of the de- Chap. III.} 1777. cay of Britain is to be sought in the departure of its present government in a sovereign degree from the principles of British history. All the efforts of his Britannic majesty tend to despotism. It is
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 10, Chapter 21: (search)
he opportunity had been missed; the Irish parliament had learned to prefer volunteer corps supported by the Irish themselves. When, in 1778, it appeared how much the commissioners sent to America had been willing to concede to insurgents for the sake of reconciliation, the patriots of Ireland awoke to a sense of what they might demand. The man who had obtained the lead was Henry Grattan, who, in a venal age and in a venal house of commons, was incorruptible. No one heard the eloquence of Chatham with more delight; and no one has sketched in more vivid words the character of the greatest Englishman of that day. At the opening of the session of October, 1779, Grattan, then but thirty-three years of age, and for hardly four years a member of the house, moved an amendment to the address, that the nation could be saved only by free export and free import, or, according to the terser words that were finally chosen, by free trade. The friends of government dared not resist the amendment,
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 10, Chapter 27: (search)
e the gratitude of the nation took the direction of loyalty to their king, and their legislature voted one hundred thousand pounds sterling for the levy of twenty thousand seamen. During the ministry of Rockingham, the British house of commons for the first time since the days of Cromwell seriously considered the question of a reform in the representation of Great Britain. The author of the proposition was William Pitt, then without office, but the acknowledged heir of the principles of Chatham. The resolution of inquiry was received with ill-concealed repugnance by Rockingham. Its support by Fox was lukewarm, and bore the mark of his aristocratic connections. Edmund Burke, in his fixed opposition to reform, was almost beside himself with passion, and was with difficulty persuaded to remain away from the debate. The friends of Shelburne, on the contrary, gave to the motion their cordial support; yet by the absence and opposition of many of the Rockingham connection the questio
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