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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 44: Secession.—schemes of compromise.—Civil War.—Chairman of foreign relations Committee.—Dr. Lieber.—November, 1860– April, 1861. (search)
shes to succeed should hail from Massachusetts or New York. Their claims are said to be exhausted. He valued most highly the accomplishments of George P. Marsh, who was appointed to the Italian mission, on account of his familiarity with languages and his rank among savans. He pleaded in vain with Mr. Lincoln for Theodore S. Fay's retention at Berne, Ante, vol. II. p. 120, note. and also failed in securing for Motley the mission to the Hague. He approved the appointment of Carl Schurz to Madrid, and also procured that of secretary of legation at the same court for Mr. H. J. Perry, without the latter's request or knowledge,—deeming Mr. Perry's previous experience in the same office, and his attainments in the Spanish language, to be of special advantage to our country. He was very desirous that John Jay should receive an important mission, in view of his personal fitness, his unselfish patriotism, and his devotion to the antislavery cause; but unfortunately his name and that of Mot
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 45: an antislavery policy.—the Trent case.—Theories of reconstruction.—confiscation.—the session of 1861-1862. (search)
had no public opinion to support him. They were also clearly right in their position that during the waiting period there should be no declarations or action adverse to an antislavery policy by the President or Congress, or by generals in the field, or in correspondence with foreign powers. Mr. Schurz's Essay on Lincoln, pp. 77, 93, implies a criticism of the pressure which was made on the President by the radical antislavery men This class includes Mr. Schurz himself, as his letter from Madrid to Sumner, Nov. 14, 1861, shows, in which he urged the adoption of a policy of emancipation. This proclamation, followed by the later one of January 1, 1863, yields in importance to no event in American or even in modern history. It had not, indeed, the sanction of States as a constitutional provision, or of Congress as a statute, or of a high tribunal as a rule of law. It could not perhaps have been pleaded in any court as securing the liberty of a single slave. But in its significanc
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 50: last months of the Civil War.—Chase and Taney, chief-justices.—the first colored attorney in the supreme court —reciprocity with Canada.—the New Jersey monopoly.— retaliation in war.—reconstruction.—debate on Louisiana.—Lincoln and Sumner.—visit to Richmond.—the president's death by assassination.—Sumner's eulogy upon him. —President Johnson; his method of reconstruction.—Sumner's protests against race distinctions.—death of friends. —French visitors and correspondents.—1864-1865. (search)
me completed, and the whole constituting one of the most magnificent edifices of the world. Campbell, formerly of the Supreme Court of the United States, and reputed the ablest lawyer in the slave States, began the conference by suggesting peace on the basis of a Zollverein, and continued free-trade between the two sections, which he thought might pave the way to something hereafter; but he could not promise anything. This was also the theory of the French minister here, M. Mercier, now at Madrid, who insisted that the war must end in that way. It was remarked that the men had nothing of the haughty and defiant way which they had in Washington formerly. Mr. Blair, who visited Richmond, still insists that peace is near. He says that the war cannot go on another month on their side unless they have help from Louis Napoleon. But here the question of a monarchical government may arise. Jefferson Davis, whom he describes as so emaciated and altered as not to be recognized, sets his fa
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 54: President Grant's cabinet.—A. T. Stewart's disability.—Mr. Fish, Secretary of State.—Motley, minister to England.—the Alabama claims.—the Johnson-Clarendon convention.— the senator's speech: its reception in this country and in England.—the British proclamation of belligerency.— national claims.—instructions to Motley.—consultations with Fish.—political address in the autumn.— lecture on caste.—1869. (search)
seeing the debate end—（1) In the withdrawal of England from this hemisphere; (2) In remodelling maritime international law. Such a consummation would place our republic at the head of the civilized world. Again, June 20— The late statements from Washington that there was no difference between Fish and myself have had a tranquillizing effect. With more experience at Washington, our front would have been more perfect. P. S. Paul Forbes arrived here three days ago, directly from Madrid, with overtures from Prim about Cuba. The language of the latter was, When a family is in distress, it sells its jewels. The idea seemed to be that the United States should mediate between Spain and the insurgents, the latter paying for their independence. The President is disposed to undertake the mediation if any representative of the insurgents can give assurances that the idea can be carried through. The President told me that he was entirely satisfied that England made the concessio<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 57: attempts to reconcile the President and the senator.—ineligibility of the President for a second term.—the Civil-rights Bill.—sale of arms to France.—the liberal Republican party: Horace Greeley its candidate adopted by the Democrats.—Sumner's reserve.—his relations with Republican friends and his colleague.—speech against the President.—support of Greeley.—last journey to Europe.—a meeting with Motley.—a night with John Bright.—the President's re-election.—1871-1872. (search)
e to the Bethnal Green Museum. His lodgings were at Maurigy's, 1 Regent Street, soon after converted into a club-house. His admission to the Athenaeum Club, always his favorite resort in London, was arranged by G. Shaw Lefevre. The Duchess of Argyll welcomed him to England and invited him to Inverary. You could not go back, she wrote, without seeing your old friends again. Other invitations came from Robert Ingham at Newcastle, Mrs. Adair (nee Wadsworth) near Dublin, General Sickles at Madrid, and Baron Gerolt at Bonn. After a week in London, during which his weak condition had been aggravated by the tidings of his nomination for governor, he crossed to Paris, where he took lodgings at Hotel Walther, Rue Castiglione. Here, where he remained a month, enjoying various diversions and afar from home politics, he seemed to gain strength. To his great regret he missed Dr. Brown-Sequard, who had suddenly gone to the United States to take up his residence there. He rigidly abstained