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Document Max. Freq Min. Freq
Frederick H. Dyer, Compendium of the War of the Rebellion: Regimental Histories 1,604 0 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 760 0 Browse Search
James D. Porter, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 7.1, Tennessee (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 530 0 Browse Search
Colonel William Preston Johnston, The Life of General Albert Sidney Johnston : His Service in the Armies of the United States, the Republic of Texas, and the Confederate States. 404 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 382 0 Browse Search
A Roster of General Officers , Heads of Departments, Senators, Representatives , Military Organizations, &c., &c., in Confederate Service during the War between the States. (ed. Charles C. Jones, Jr. Late Lieut. Colonel of Artillery, C. S. A.) 346 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 3. 330 0 Browse Search
Adam Badeau, Military history of Ulysses S. Grant from April 1861 to April 1865. Volume 3 312 0 Browse Search
Adam Badeau, Military history of Ulysses S. Grant from April 1861 to April 1865. Volume 2 312 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 2. 310 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in John G. Nicolay, A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln, condensed from Nicolay and Hayes' Abraham Lincoln: A History. You can also browse the collection for Tennessee (Tennessee, United States) or search for Tennessee (Tennessee, United States) in all documents.

Your search returned 62 results in 18 document sections:

paigning as a candidate for presidential elector in the Harrison campaign of 1840, and the Clay campaign of 1844, in Illinois and the adjoining States, afforded him a basis for sound judgment, and convinced him that the day when Clay could have been elected President was forever passed. Mr. Clay's chance for an election is just no chance at all, he wrote on April 30. He might get New York, and that would have elected in 1844, but it will not now, because he must now, at the least, lose Tennessee, which he had then, and in addition the fifteen new votes of Florida, Texas, Iowa, and Wisconsin .. In my judgment, we can elect nobody but General Taylor; and we cannot elect him without a nomination. Therefore don't fail to send a delegate. And again on the same day: Mr. Clay's letter has not advanced his interests any here. Several who were against Taylor, but not for anybody particularly before, are since taking ground, some for Scott and some for McLean. Who will be nominated neit
erty like all other. Upon the reassembling of the Charleston convention at Baltimore, it underwent a second disruption on the fifth day; the Northern wing nominated Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois, and the Southern wing John C. Breckinridge of Kentucky as their respective candidates for President. In the meanwhile, also, regular and irregular delegates from some twenty-two States, representing fragments of the old Whig party, had convened at Baltimore on May g and nominated John Bell of Tennessee as their candidate for President, upon a platform ignoring the slavery issue and declaring that they would recognize no other political principle than the Constitution of the country, the union of the States, and the enforcement of the laws. In the long contest between slavery extension and slavery restriction which was now approaching its culmination, the growing demands and increasing bitterness of the pro-slavery party had served in an equal degree to intensify the feelings and stim
right and beneficial, and whose policy was to extend the institution, and create new slave States. Its candidates were John C. Breckinridge of Kentucky for President, and Joseph Lane of Oregon for Vice-President. 4. The Constitutional Union party, which professed to ignore the question of slavery, and declared it would recognize no political principles other than the Constitution of the country, the union of the States, and the enforcement of the laws. Its candidates were John Bell of Tennessee for President, and Edward Everett of Massachusetts for Vice-President. In the array of these opposing candidates and their platforms, it could be easily calculated from the very beginning that neither Lincoln nor Douglas had any chance to carry a slave State, nor Breckinridge nor Bell to carry a free State; and that neither Douglas in the free States, nor Bell in either section could obtain electoral votes enough to succeed. Therefore, but two alternatives seemed probable. Either Lin
, and tendered double the numbers asked for. The people of the slave States which had not yet joined the Montgomery Confederacy-namely, Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, Arkansas, Missouri, Kentucky, Maryland, and Delaware-remained, however, more or less divided on the issue as it now presented itself. The governors of the fir others-against rebellion. Under radical and revolutionary leadership similar to that of the cotton States, the governors and State officials of North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas placed their States in an attitude of insurrection, and before the middle of May practically joined them to the Confederate government by the formathern leaders to make the Ohio River the northern boundary of their slave empire was not realized. They indeed secured the adhesion of Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas, by which the territory of the Confederate States government was enlarged nearly one third and its population and resources nearly doubled. But th
Chapter 15. Davis's proclamation for privateers- Lincoln's proclamation of blockade the call for three years volunteers Southern military preparations rebel capital moved to Richmond Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas admitted to Confederate States desertion of army and Navy officers Union troops fortify Virginia shore of the Potomac concentration at Harper's Ferry concentration at Fortress Monroe and Cairo English neutrality Seward's 21st-of May dete government made what haste it could to meet the ordeal it dreaded even while it had provoked it. The rebel Congress was hastily called together, and passed acts recognizing war and regulating privateering; admitting Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas to the Confederate States; authorizing a $50,000,000 loan; practically confiscating debts due from Southern to Northern citizens; and removing the seat of government from Montgomery, Alabama, to Richmond, Virginia. Four differ
n speeches were to be heard. Of the rare instances of men who were yet to join the rebellion, ex-Vice-President Breckinridge was the most conspicuous example; and their presence was offset by prominent Sotthern Unionists like Andrew Johnson of Tennessee, and John J. Crittenden of Kentucky. The heated antagonisms which had divided the previous Congress into four clearly defined factions were so far restrained or obliterated by the events of the past four months, as to leave but a feeble opposias practicable; the organization of the new three years forces be pushed forward both east and west; Manassas and Harper's Ferry and the intermediate lines of communication be seized and held; and a joint movement organized from Cincinnati on East Tennessee, and from Cairo on Memphis. Meanwhile, General McClellan was ordered from West Virginia to Washington, where he arrived on July 26, and assumed command of the Division of the Potomac, comprising the troops in and around Washington, on bot
in Kentucky Cameron's visit to Sherman East Tennessee instructions to Buell Buell's neglectods of the war. The eastern third of the State of Tennessee remained from the first stubbornly and d and pointing out on a map before them the East Tennessee region, said to them in substance: I aia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Tennessee, Kentucky, and West Virginia come together. gth in his attempted march from Corinth to East Tennessee as would have amply sufficed to build the t, and thus enable the loyal citizens of eastern Tennessee to rise, while you at the same time cut . . But my distress is that our friends in East Tennessee are being hanged and driven to despair, ann almost positive command to advance on eastern Tennessee at once. Again Buell promised complianc weeks his conviction that an advance into East Tennessee is impracticable at this time on any scaleTo say nothing of the strategical value of East Tennessee to the Union, the fidelity of its people i[4 more...]
risen to $2,000,000 a day, and. a financial crisis was imminent. Buell would not move into East Tennessee, and Halleck seemed powerless in Missouri. Added to this, McClellan's illness completed a she upper Cumberland dash across, almost unresisted, and cut the railroad at or near Knoxville, Tennessee? In the midst of a bombardment at Fort Donelson, why could not a gunboat run up and destroy t If now he could bring his two Missouri campaigns into a combination with two swift and strong Tennessee expeditions, while the enemy was in scattered retreat, he could look forward to the speedy capaciously to his views and requests, explaining to McClellan that he himself proposed going to Tennessee: That is now the great strategic line of the western campaign, and I am surprised that ss fortifications about Corinth. He despatched Buell's wing of the army on a march toward eastern Tennessee, but under such instructions and limitations that long before reaching its objective it wa
same day he sent Secretary of State Seward to New York with a letter to be confidentially shown to such of the governors of States as could be hurriedly called together, setting forth his view of the present condition of the war, and his own determination in regard to its prosecution. After outlining the reverse at Richmond and the new problems it created, the letter continued: What should be done is to hold what we have in the West, open the Mississippi, and take Chattanooga and East Tennessee without more. A reasonable force should in every event be kept about Washington for its protection. Then let the country give us a hundred thousand new troops in the shortest possible time, which, added to McClellan directly or indirectly, will take Richmond without endangering any other place which we now hold, and will substantially end the war. I expect to maintain this contest until successful, or till I die, or am conquered, or my term expires, or Congress or the country forsake m
uite three years later. On April 14, in the House of Representatives, the subject was taken up by Mr. White of Indiana, at whose instance a select committee on emancipation, consisting of nine members, a majority of whom were from border slave States, was appointed; and this committee on July 16 reported a comprehensive bill authorizing the President to give compensation at the rate of three hundred dollars for each slave to any one of the States of Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, and Missouri, that might adopt immediate or gradual emancipation. Some subsequent proceedings on this subject occurred in Congress in the case of Missouri; but as to the other States named in the bill, either the neglect or open opposition of their people and representatives and senators prevented any further action from the committee. Meanwhile a new incident once more brought the question of military emancipation into sharp public discussion. On May 9, General David Hunter, comma