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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 332 0 Browse Search
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery. 110 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 68 0 Browse Search
Frederick H. Dyer, Compendium of the War of the Rebellion: Regimental Histories 32 0 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 28 0 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4 24 0 Browse Search
Edward Alfred Pollard, The lost cause; a new Southern history of the War of the Confederates ... Drawn from official sources and approved by the most distinguished Confederate leaders. 22 0 Browse Search
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government 20 0 Browse Search
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3 20 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 20 0 Browse Search
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Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 1. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), A vindication of Virginia and the South. (search)
sacrifice made by the South to satisfy it, maintain the public faith and preserve the Union, it is necessary to refer to a map of the country, and to remember that at that time neither Texas, New Mexico, California nor Arizona belonged to the United States; that the country west of the Mississippi which fell under that compromise is that which was acquired from France in the purchase of Louisiana, and which includes West Minnesota, the whole of Iowa, Arkansas, the Indian Territory, Kansas, Nebraska, and Dakota, Montana, Wyoming, Colorado, Utah, Nevada, Idaho, Washington and Oregon, embracing an area of 1,360,000 square miles. Of this the South had the privilege of settling Arkansas alone, or less than four per cent. of the whole. The sacrifice thus made by the South, for the sake of the Union, will be more fully appreciated when we reflect that under the Constitution Southern gentlemen had as much right, and the same right to go into the Territories with their slaves, that the men o
Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buell, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War: The Opening Battles. Volume 1., The capture of Fort Donelson. (search)
a thought to the situation, it is proper to remind the reader that he is about to witness an event of more than mere historical interest; he is about to see the men of the North and North-west and of the South and South-west enter for the first time into a strife of arms; on one side, the best blood of Tennessee, Kentucky, Alabama, Mississippi, and Texas, aided materially by fighting representatives from Virginia; on the other, the best blood of Illinois, Ohio, Indiana, Iowa, Missouri, and Nebraska. we have now before us a spectacle seldom witnessed in the annals of scientific war — an army behind field-works erected in a chosen position waiting quietly while another army very little superior in numbers proceeds at leisure to place it in a state of siege. Such was the operation General Grant had before him at daybreak of the 13th of February. Let us see how it was accomplished and how it was resisted. in a clearing about two miles from Dover there was a log-house, at the ti
Robert Lewis Dabney, Life and Commands of Lieutenand- General Thomas J. Jackson, Chapter 5: secession. (search)
the State which grew up should exclude African labor or not. The latter subject was apparently disposed of in the Kansas-Nebraska law, the favorite project of Senator Douglas. But no sooner was this law passed, than the South found that, while i an instance of insubordination, sufficient of itself to justify the secession of the South.) But more: under the Kansas-Nebraska law, the practical question immediately emerged: How, and when, the people settling upon a common territory should exercnction of the African slave-trade. Hence, it well knew, that, in claiming the constitutional construction of the Kansas-Nebraska law, it was making a demand which could save it nothing but its rights; and that, practically, every territory, fertile , to be presented for the votes of their party. The two sections then pressed their rival interpretations of the Kansas-Nebraska law, which had been left ambiguous by the similar caucus in Cincinnati, four years before. The Democrats of the South d
Thomas C. DeLeon, Four years in Rebel capitals: an inside view of life in the southern confederacy, from birth to death., Chapter 1: the forehead of the storm. (search)
from the army to-day. Gad, sir! had it from the best authority. That means business, I'm afraid. And little by little the conviction dawned on all classes that it did mean business-ugly, real business. What had been only mutterings a few weeks back grew into loud, defiant speech. Southern men, in and out of Congress, bawded under their leading spirits, boldly and emphatically declared what they meant to do. Never had excitement around the Capitol run half so high. Even the Kansas-Nebraska furore had failed to pack the Senate galleries so full of men and women, struggling for seats and sitting sometimes through the night. One after another the southern leaders made their valedictoriessome calm and dignified, some hot and vindictive-and left the seats they had filled for years. One after another, known and honored names were stricken from the army and navy lists, by resignation. One after another, states met in convention and, by ordinance of secession, declared themselves
Ulysses S. Grant, Personal Memoirs of U. S. Grant, Investment of Fort Donelson-the naval operations-attack of the enemy-assaulting the works-surrender of the Fort (search)
officer Foote, therefore, to order his gunboats still about Cairo to proceed up the Cumberland River and not to wait for those gone to Eastport and Florence; but the others got back in time and we started on the 12th. I had moved McClernand out a few miles the night before so as to leave the road as free as possible. Just as we were about to start the first reinforcement reached me on transports. It was a brigade composed of six full regiments commanded by Colonel [John M.] Thayer, of Nebraska. As the gunboats were going around to Donelson by the Tennessee, Ohio and Cumberland rivers, I directed Thayer to turn about and go under their convoy. I started from Fort Henry with 15,000 men, including eight batteries and part of a regiment of cavalry, and, meeting with no obstruction to detain us, the advance arrived in front of the enemy by noon. That afternoon and the next day were spent in taking up ground to make the investment as complete as possible. General Smith had been
Francis B. Carpenter, Six Months at the White House, Lxviii. (search)
right, for he has nearly upset me half-a-dozen times since starting. So, putting his head out of the window, he shouted, Why, you infernal scoundrel, you are drunk? Upon which, pulling up his horses and turning round with great gravity, the coachman said: Bedad! but that's the first rightful decision your honor has given for the last twelve months. Some gentlemen fresh from a western tour, during a call at the White House, referred in the course of conversation to a body of water in Nebraska which bore an Indian name signifying weeping water. Mr. Lincoln instantly responded: As laughing water, according to Longfellow, is Minnehaha, this evidently should be Minneboohoo. A farmer from one of the border counties went to the President on a certain occasion with the complaint that the Union soldiers in passing his farm had helped themselves not only to hay but to his horse; and he hoped the proper officer would be required to consider his claim immediately. Why, my good sir
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Speech of Hon. Abraham Lincoln, at Springfield June 17, 1858. (search)
e Congressional prohibition, and held him as a slave for a long time in each, was passing through the U. S. Circuit Court for the District of Missouri ; and both Nebraska bill and law suit, were brought to a decision in the same month of May, 1554. The negro's name was Dred Scott, which name now designates the decision finally mathe end. And well may he cling to that principle. If he has any parental feeling, well may he cling to it. That principle is the only shred left of his original Nebraska doctrine. Under the Dred Scott decision squatter sovereignty squatted out of existence, tumbled down like temporary scaffolding-like the mould at the foundry se election, and then was kicked to the winds. His late joint struggle with the Republicans, against the Lecompton Constitution, involves nothing of the original Nebraska doctrine. That struggle was made on a point — the right of a people to make their own constitution — upon which he and the Republicans have never differed.
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., chapter 2 (search)
my duty, in 1854 when it became necessary to bring forward a bill for the organization of the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska? Was it not my duty, in obedience to the Illinois platform to your standing instructions to your Senators, adopted withn their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States? I did incorporate that principle in the, Kansas-Nebraska bill, and perhaps I did, as much as any living man in the enactment of that bill, thus establishing the doctrine in the measures of 1850 ; indorsed. by the Illinois Legislature in 1851 ; emphatically embodied and carried out in the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and vindicated this year by the refusal to bring Kansas into the Union with a Constitution distasteful to her peopnstitutions, for a war of sections, until one or the other shall be subdued. I go for the great principle of the Kansas-Nebraska bill the right of the people to decide for themselves. On the other point, Mr. Lincoln goes for a warfare upon the S
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., chapter 3 (search)
e Douglas. He said that a friend of our Senator Douglas had been talking to him, and had among other things said to him : Why, you don't want to beat Douglas? Yes, said he, I do want to beat him, and I will tell you why. I believe his original Nebraska bill was right in the abstract, but it was wrong in the time that it was brought forward. It was wrong in the application to a Territory in regard to which the question had been settled ; it was brought forward at a time when nobody asked him ;ver thought of such a thing ; and when he first introduced the bill, he never thought of it ; but still he fights furiously for the proposition, and that he did it because there was a standing instruction to our Senators to be always introducing Nebraska, bills. He tells you he is for the Cincinnati platform, he tells you he is for the Dred Scott decision. He tells you, not in his speech last night, but substantially in a former speech, that he cares not if slavery is voted up or down — he tel
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., chapter 4 (search)
they came square up and indorsed the great principle of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, which declared that Kansas should be received into the Unionhaving advocated and carried out that same principle in the Kansas-Nebraska bill. Illinois stands proudly forward as a State which early tnd in exact conformity with the principle, I brought in the Kansas-Nebraska bill, requiring that the people should be left perfectly free in tat is by leaving a State, according to the principle of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, perfectly free to form and regulate its institutions in its been told by the Republican party that, from 1854, when the Kansas-Nebraska bill passed, down to last winter, that slavery was sustained and smany at the end of that period as there were on the day the Kansas-Nebraska bill passed. There was quite a number of slaves in Kansas, taken der the Missouri Compromise, and in spite of it, before the Kansas-Nebraska bill passed, and now it is asserted that there are not as many the
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