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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 836 0 Browse Search
Frederick H. Dyer, Compendium of the War of the Rebellion: Regimental Histories 690 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 532 0 Browse Search
John M. Schofield, Forty-six years in the Army 480 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore) 406 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 350 0 Browse Search
Wiley Britton, Memoirs of the Rebellion on the Border 1863. 332 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 2. 322 0 Browse Search
Col. John M. Harrell, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 10.2, Arkansas (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 310 0 Browse Search
Col. John C. Moore, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 9.2, Missouri (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 294 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3. You can also browse the collection for Missouri (Missouri, United States) or search for Missouri (Missouri, United States) in all documents.

Your search returned 26 results in 6 document sections:

Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 35: Massachusetts and the compromise.—Sumner chosen senator.—1850-1851. (search)
ms as President by Clay's help, Horace Mann, referring to the charges against Adams and Clay, afterwards fully discredited, said: I believe the same charge against the Free Soil party will have come twenty years hence to the same result,—that of conferring honor upon its object and infamy upon its authors. See Von Holst's remarks, vol. IV. pp. 41, 42. the election of a Whig governor and of an anti-Texas Democratic senator in New Hampshire, and the recent election of Geyer as senator in Missouri by a Whig and Calhoun—Democratic coalition, were quite forgotten. The Whig journals assured Sumner of a cool reception in the Senate, which he would enter, if he entered it at all, without authority, and with the ignominy of the coalition branded upon him. The intemperate phrases of these Whig journals did not express the sentiments of their party outside of the State. The New York Tribune, January 14, edited by Horace Greeley, commended Sumner as a person who in every way would honor
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 36: first session in Congress.—welcome to Kossuth.—public lands in the West.—the Fugitive Slave Law.—1851-1852. (search)
in the body. The other senators who took the oath at the same time were Hamilton Fish of New York, Benjamin F. Wade of Ohio, James of Rhode Island, and Geyer of Missouri. Later in the day Mallory of Florida was sworn. Sumner had selected a seat on the Democratic side of the chamber,—one recently occupied by Jefferson Davis, who any parliamentary assembly. Benton, the least distinguished of the four, after thirty years of service, had been thrown out by the intense pro-slavery party of Missouri, made up of Whigs and Democrats, as a punishment for his resistance to the Compromise policy. He was chosen at the next election a member of the house from thState or municipal taxation. Jan. 27, Feb. 17, March 16, 1852. Works, vol. III. pp. 12-42. Senators from the West and Southwest— Fetch of Michigan, Geyer of Missouri, and Downs of Louisiana —were grateful for co-operation from an unexpected quarter, and expressed in debate their appreciation of his timely assistance. The f<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 38: repeal of the Missouri Compromise.—reply to Butler and Mason.—the Republican Party.—address on Granville Sharp.—friendly correspondence.—1853-1854. (search)
rested under the conviction that this territory was to remain free, and in due time be divided into free States under the compromise and compact by which in 1820 Missouri was, after prolonged resistance from the free States, admitted as a slave State upon the condition that slavery should be forever prohibited in the rest of the tr Calhoun, who guarded the institution with a comprehensive and far-reaching vision, nor Atchison, 1807-1886. who overlooked the territory from the border State of Missouri—had ever been audacious enough, even when the slave-power was putting forth its utmost pretensions, to propose in Congress the abrogation of the compact knowtunity. They saw clearly that a free territory which in due season would become a free State must affect injuriously the value and security of slave property in Missouri, and generally imperil the institution as a national power. They counted surely, after their experience in 1850, on the cooperation of the Democratic aspirants
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 40: outrages in Kansas.—speech on Kansas.—the Brooks assault.—1855-1856. (search)
ts, most of them retaining their old homes in Missouri and contemplating only a temporary sojourn inng interest of the country. Their leaders in Missouri were Atchison, late senator and president of ion. Secret societies were at once formed in Missouri for the purpose of sending companies of slavlegate to Congress returned to their homes in Missouri. The second was in March, 1855, when to the en the business was finished, marched back to Missouri. The result was a legislature worthy of its ays, in which he detailed the incursions from Missouri and commented on the complicity of the Adminin which Howard and Sherman joined (Oliver of Missouri dissenting). the committee found as a conclus for the territory was summoning a posse from Missouri,— the beginning of an armed descent on Lawrenegislature, and the successive invasions from Missouri, with Atchison in the foreground,—a familiar n now the black flag of the land-pirates from Missouri waves at the mast-head; in their laws you hea[7 more...]<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 41: search for health.—journey to Europe.—continued disability.—1857-1858. (search)
e company elegant. His resemblance to his father is marked, 1810-1868. Reputed son of Napoleon I., and minister of foreign affairs, 1855-1860. his manners cordial and distinguished. I made haste to speak of M. Boileau, the French secretary at Washington, and to commend him warmly. The minister coolly said that he had married a woman without fortune, and therefore could not await the slow course of his diplomatic career; He married a daughter of Thomas H. Benton, former senator from Missouri. he was to pass into the consular, and could not repass. This was because of his marriage! April 2. Some time this morning at the reception of the Comtesse de Circourt; dined at Very's, Palais Royal; afterwards, at the Vaudeville, heard a piece which has a great run,—the Faux Bons Hommes. The acting was spirited and natural. April 4. Still suffering from my cold, and stayed at home all day till evening. M. de Tocqueville called. His conversation was quite interesting. He did not d
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 43: return to the Senate.—the barbarism of slavery.—Popular welcomes.—Lincoln's election.—1859-1860. (search)
ed by a territorial convention and ratified by the people, was pending in the Senate, where its defeat was assured by the determination of the Administration senators not to allow the increase of the Republican electoral vote which would result from its passage. The senators availed themselves of the debate on this bill to make political speeches which attracted attention only from the public interest in the speakers themselves. The day set apart for Sumner was Monday, June 4. Green of Missouri, to whom the floor had been previously assigned, gracefully yielded it to him. He entered the chamber a few moments before the time assigned for the Kansas bill. He had with him his speech in print, thinking it best to rely on his notes and avoid the strain of trusting only to the memory. The audience in the galleries was not large, as the interest in the debate on slavery had been transferred from Congress to the country. The account of the scene is compiled from letters to newspapers