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Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 2, The right of petition. (search)
e voice of the multitude once and again overwhelm the voice of the laws, almost without the shadow of an attempt at resistance on the part of the civil magistrate. We had seen a price set by a Southern legislature on the head of a citizen of Massachusetts, for presuming to think as he pleased, and to speak what he thought, within the borders of the old Commonwealth; and this insult had been answered only by a recommendation on the part of our own Executive that whoever dared to move the questit issue, was the voice of the Ex-President. On that gray discrowned head were fixed, in awful suspense, the eyes of the nation. Others came at length to his aid. I wish this resolution may pass, that, as far as in us lies, he may feel that Massachusetts echoes back his cry to arms, is ready to sustain him and his colleagues in their noble course, is girding herself for the contest,--and, come what may, will see to it that, however the lights of other States may flicker with the breeze, her t
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 2, Irish sympathy with the abolition movement. (search)
re of John Quincy Adams], from the halls of Congress. They will find him only the more lastingly fixed in the hearts of his countrymen. [Tremendous and continued cheers.] Mr. Chairman, we stand in the presence of at least the name of Father Mathew; we remember the millions who pledge themselves to temperance from his lips. I hope his countrymen will join me in pledging here eternal hostility to slavery. Will you ever return to his master the slave who once sets foot on the soil of Massachusetts? [No, no, no!! Will you ever raise to office or power the man who will not pledge his utmost effort against slavery? [No, no, no! ] Then may not we hope well for freedom? Thanks to those noble men who battle in her cause the world over, the ocean of their philanthropy knows no shore. Humanity has no country; and I am proud, here in Faneuil Hall,--fit place to receive their message,--to learn of O'Connell fidelity to freedom, and of Father Mathew love to the real interests of man.
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 2, Welcome to George Thompson (1840). (search)
the South and the nation should understand Massachusetts. Mr. Webster has been trying to persuade elabored to show that Webster, Whigdom, and Massachusetts were identical. While things remained as w, at least, the question is settled where Massachusetts stands; so unequivocally, that even the Dan reply to some taunt of Hayne's, There is Massachusetts! Behold her, and judge for yourselves! T doubts our position, let us cry, There is Massachusetts! Behold her, and judge for yourselves! Teers.] Mr. Curtis defended the right of Massachusetts to surrender the fugitive slave, on the grby yielding to its noblest instincts; that Massachusetts cannot now afford to be humane, to open hesome shadow of claim to plausibility. But Massachusetts has pledged her whole strength to the slave free arms to God, and thank him, not for Massachusetts' mercy, but for Massachusetts' justice andMassachusetts' justice and consistency. But, granting the whole of Mr. Curtis's argument, he did not touch, or even glance[1 more...]
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 2, Kossuth (1851). (search)
r of Congress only after a dozen years of struggle, and still a penal offence in one half the Union; our jails filled with men guilty only of helping a brother-man to his liberty,--yet the keen eyes of this great soul can see nothing but a solid basis of Liberty ! Southern Conventions to dissolve the Union; the law executed in Boston at the point of the bayonet; riot, as the government calls it, stalking through the streets of Detroit, Buffalo, Syracuse, Boston, Christiana, and New York; Massachusetts denied by statute the right to bring an action in South Carolina; Georgia setting a price on the head of a Boston printer; senators threatening to hang a brother senator, should he set foot in a Southern State; the very tenants of the pulpit silenced, or subjected to a coat of tar and feathers; one State proposing to exclude the commerce of another; demagogue statesmen perambulating the country to save the Union; honest men exhorted to stifle their consciences, for fear the Ship of Stat
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 2, Capital punishment (1855） (search)
walls and keep him there his whole life. Massachusetts can build prisons strong enough to keep a shall his blood be shed. Every pulpit in Massachusetts interprets that as a command of God. I beose you had made a statute for the Commonwealth of Massachusetts; suppose you had passed the Maine te; what right, then, has the Governor of Massachusetts to exercise such a power on the theory of But you sit here under the Constitution of Massachusetts, and if that Constitution is right, you haows was a violation of the Constitution of Massachusetts; for it undertook to assume over that man'ence, the moral sense, and the religion of Massachusetts go up and stand by the side of that poor ue gallows but to fail. Now, all we ask of Massachusetts is, that when she has tried the one and no the penalty; they were no worse off than Massachusetts. I say that this is a State pre-eminentlyy one step further in the same direction. Massachusetts has got up to the wall. She has thrown it[2 more...]
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 2, Woman's rights and woman's duties (1866） (search)
ould find in the besotted opposition of its own victims its deadliest foe. [Applause.] That has not ceased to be true to-day. Remember also that the moment you issue your command every medical college will be open. The moment you take off your ban every avenue of trade will be trodden by women. The moment you make known your purpose the statute-book will record your verdict. Wives and daughters, you are able in these matters to dictate the policy of your fathers and husbands. In Massachusetts, we owe one of the first steps toward the recognition of woman's right to property to the selfishness of fathers, about to leave their daughters dowered with large wealth, and unwilling to trust it to the chances of their husbands' character. They were always anxious to put it into the hands of trustees, and they found that men were very much averse, even when bidden by the strongest friendship, to undertake a long trust on account of its dangers and responsibility. The fathers themsel
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 2, The eight-hour movement (1865） (search)
be any conflict between labor and capital. What makes our lives easier than those of our ancestors? They are so because six generations of workmen have made Massachusetts a great treasure-house of capital. When our fathers landed here, Massachusetts was a wilderness. Forests have been removed, roads built, cities raised by capMassachusetts was a wilderness. Forests have been removed, roads built, cities raised by capital or aggregated labor. Capital and labor are only the two arms of a pair of scissors,--useless when separate, and only when fastened together cutting everything before them. What, then, do we come here for? To find out the true relation between capital and labor, to make the laborer more comfortable, and a more worthy citizt to nothing. A political movement, saying, We will have our rights, is a mass meeting in perpetual session. Filtered through the ballot-box comes the will of the people, and statesmen bow to it. Go home, and say that the working-men of Massachusetts are a unit, and that they mean to stereotype their purpose on the statute-book.
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 2, The Chinese (1870). (search)
e coming of the Chinese in such masses as will enable these money lords to control the ballot-box by their bond-servants. An extended North Adams can do more than lessen shoemakers' wages; one thousand such Samsons, the associated capital of Massachusetts, can swamp and overwhelm the ballot-box. of that State. We hold it to be clearly within the province, and at clearly the duty of legislation, to avert this danger. Capital is too strong now. The public welfare demands that its political p. In detachments, million by million, we can digest the whole human race. Then as to the influence of such importation on the laboring classes. The Chinaman will make shoes for seventy-five cents a day. The average wages for such work in Massachusetts is two dollars. What will become of the native working-men under such competition? He met similar competition from the Irish immigrants and the German; but it never harmed him. They came in such natural and moderate numbers as to be easily a
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 2, The foundation of the labor movement (1871） (search)
you do not destroy the virus of incorporate wealth by any one election. The capitalists of Massachusetts are neither fools nor cowards; and you will have to whip them three times, and bury them unde see the benefit of going into politics. If we had not rushed into politics, had not taken Massachusetts by the four corners and shaken her, you never would have written your criticisms. We rush i Choate was a hard-working men. John Marshall and Lemuel Shaw did as much work as any men in Massachusetts or Virginia; but if George Combe had come to this country, and said, I want to see a specimed is thrown out to starve just as if he were cattle. That's Christian civilization! that's Massachusetts! I don't like that significant fact. I leap from that town into a large mill, with five huI have sued them in the Supreme Court, and I cannot get it; and here I am, penniless, in Eastern Massachusetts. That's Christian civilization. I am picking up, not individual facts, but significant
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 2, The Maine liquor law (1865) or, the laws of the Commonwealth-shall they be enforced? (search)
great principle is to have in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts a fair trial? That is all we ask. Boston is a part of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. The law that prevails in Boston is made in whether the public opinion of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts demands it? If that opinion does,ntend that Boston is a part of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts and bound to obey her law. Now, th is an indisputable fact, that the Commonwealth of Massachusetts has deliberately chosen this methopopulated, comparatively poor districts of Massachusetts, it succeeds. Education and virtue supplyt into a statute; and if there be a law in Massachusetts, we mean it shall have a fair trial. [Appefore we sit down and say that the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, in General Court assembled, does as well as in the religious principles of Massachusetts, it is the sacredness of the seventh day; y sacred as they are in the heart of every Massachusetts man, is executed, or can be executed to-da[1 more...]
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