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, in November, 1866, immediately after the failure of the Baltimore scheme, the President informed Grant that he meant to send him to Mexico. A Minister had already been appointed to that republic, and Grant was to be given neither powers nor authority. No special purpose for the mission was announced; he was simply to give the Minister the benefit of his advice in carrying out the instructions of the Secretary of State. It was doubtless supposed that Grant with his profound anxiety for Mexican independence would bite at the bait. But the device was too transparent; and Grant, if ordinarily unadroit, was yet far-seeing. He usually went to the core of a thing, when immediate judgment was required. He promptly declined the mission. This was in conversation with the President. A day or two afterward Johnson returned to the subject and announced that he had sent for Sherman to take Grant's place in his absence. Congress was about to assemble, a Congress hostile to Johnson, and
United States, but was now in the Mexican Government. I was to address him, not avowedly by Grant's order, but so that my authority could not be mistaken, and to state to Romero how distasteful the appointment of Rosecrans was to Grant. The envoy thus would be unable in the short time that he enjoyed his honors to execute any important diplomatic business, or to thwart the policy of the incoming Government. Grant would probably not have taken this course but for his profound interest in Mexican affairs, an interest of which the Administration was very well aware. He had recommended a definite policy in regard to Mexico, and to have a man appointed as Minister there who was likely to oppose in advance whatever he believed were Grant's views, was in Grant's eyes sufficient justification for this interference. It must be remembered too, that Grant had been given by Congress an authority that made him in many matters independent of the President. It had been declared his duty to
y of the Treasury to give clearances for a large lot of arms for Brownsville, for export beyond the limits of the United States. Some are now on the way, and others will follow. There has been entirely too much lukewarmness about Washington in Mexican affairs. I am afraid that it may yet cause us trouble. It looks to me very much as if Napoleon was going to settle the European quarrel in his own way, thus making himself stronger than ever before. If he does, will he not compel Austria to sFenian movement against our Northern neighbor. There is but one party, one Government in Mexico, whose complaints or wishes have claim to respect from us. No policy has been adopted by our Government which authorizes us to interfere directly on Mexican soil with that country, but there is nothing that I know of to prevent the free passage of people or material going through our territory to the aid of the recognized Government. Our neutrality should prevent our allowing the same thing when th
ce in business or affairs, and enchained their attention for hours while he laid before them his information and his views. Mexico also was a favorite theme, and a Mexican policy was already germinating in his brain. As a rule I do not consider that General Grant's intellect was remarkable for originality; he absorbed the best points in the views of others and constructed out of them his own finest schemes and successes, making them, however, completely his own; but in these Oriental and Mexican measures he seems to me to have been entirely original. He had become a profound thinker and an international statesman during his travels. He had seen other countries, both the peoples and the rulers; the emperors and tycoons and sultans, and the ministers and parliaments and the nations themselves; his views were widened, and his whole character changed; but at the same time his national feeling and his democratic preferences were intensified. He was never so fit to be President as whe
regard for the interests and honor of that country, genuine. But after due deliberation it was deemed unadvisable to attempt at that time the absorption of Mexican territory. The Administration concluded that there were other and more pressing matters to be decided then; the Reconstruction of the Union itself and the pacificatio, and Buck (the latter has just left), I am, as ever, yours truly, U. S. Grant. During this winter, however, Grant turned his attention almost exclusively to Mexican affairs. He soon became president of a railway company whose road ran south from the City of Mexico, and he was also actively engaged in furthering the enterpriss the purport of mine, to which it was a reply: I was much pleased to receive your letter of the 22d inst. I was tempted to give what you say about the use of Mexican tobacco, its use in Cuba, the feeling of Cubans in regard to the effect of the treaty, etc., to the press. Of course, I should only have given it as from a frie
hen Grant became seriously ill, Romero was one of the first to whom he confided his situation. After this the latter was frequently by the side of the friend of his nation. He sat quietly by the sufferer for hours, anxious to indicate his sympathy, and Grant was always pleased to have him there. Romero even visited the dying General at Mount McGregor, and in the midst of his sufferings and anxieties the hero turned from his pains or his literary labor, to write when he could not talk, on Mexican affairs, and to manifest his interest even then in that country for which they had striven so earnestly together. The faithful diplomatist followed his great coadjutor in the procession that conveyed the remains of Grant to their last resting-place at Riverside. Nothing in the entire and varied story of the soldier-President is more characteristic, although exceptional, than this friendship begun in public and international affairs, continued into a personal intimacy, and lasting throu
ch under his influence. Grant frequently said to me that at this time his friendship was a detriment to me, as it provoked many enmities which I might otherwise have escaped; and in the eyes of Mr. Arthur, it was, he thought, especially a disadvantage; for Arthur was then most anxious to propitiate Grant's enemies. New York City, Feb'y 28th, 1883. My dear General Badeau,—I was much pleased to receive your letter of the 22d inst. I was tempted to give what you say about the use of Mexican tobacco; its use in Cuba; the feeling of the Cubans in regard to the effect of the treaty &c. to the press. Of course I should only have given it as from a friend of mine writing from Havana. But on reflection I concluded that the public would know who my friend in Cuba was, so I concluded not to. I wish however you would write the same thing to the State Dept. You will learn by the mail that carries this that consideration of the treaty has been deferred until December next. This I fea