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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 2,462 0 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 692 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 10 516 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 3, 15th edition. 418 0 Browse Search
C. Julius Caesar, Gallic War 358 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 4, 15th edition. 298 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 230 0 Browse Search
H. Wager Halleck , A. M. , Lieut. of Engineers, U. S. Army ., Elements of Military Art and Science; or, Course of Instruction in Strategy, Fortification, Tactis of Battles &c., Embracing the Duties of Staff, Infantry, Cavalry, Artillery and Engineers. Adapted to the Use of Volunteers and Militia. 190 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 186 0 Browse Search
George Ticknor, Life, letters and journals of George Ticknor (ed. George Hillard) 182 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874.. You can also browse the collection for France (France) or search for France (France) in all documents.

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C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section second: European Travels and studies. (search)
was ready to assist him in his more recondite researches; and for a whole Session he was an attentive listener to the debates of Parliament. It was the same in Paris, where, a perfect French scholar, he was in constant attendance in the Chamber of Deputies, frequently visiting the lecture-rooms of the Sorbonne, and the College of France, all of whose Professors acceded to his slightest wish to aid him with the fruits of their learning and experience. General Cass, then our minister to France, was engaged in the investigation of our claim to the Northeastern Boundary, and at his request, Mr. Sumner wrote that celebrated Treatise on the subject, which excited such great admiration in this country. He went through Germany, with the same objects in view; and being master of that language also, he accumulated vast stores of learning by conversations with the great scientists and statesmen of that nation. He afterwards extended his journey to Italy, where again his ripe scholarshi
serable loosened fragments is formed that human anomaly—A Northern man with Southern principles. Such a man is no true son of Massachusetts. There is a precious incident in the life of one whom our country has delighted to honor, furnishing an example that we shall do well to imitate. When Napoleon, having reached the pinnacle of military honor, lusting for a higher title than that of First Consul, caused a formal vote to be taken on the question, whether he should be declared Emperor of France, Lafayette, at that time in retirement, and only recently, by the intervention of the First Consul, liberated from the dungeons of Olmutz, deliberately registered his No. At a period, in the golden decline of his high career, resplendent with heroic virtues, revisiting our shores, the scene of his youthful devotion to freedom, and receiving on all sides that beautiful homage of thanksgiving, which is of itself an all-sufficient answer to the sarcasm against the alleged ingratitude of republ
eve of the Congressional Election, at a meeting in the Tremont Temple to advance the cause of the Election of Dr. Howe in opposition to Mr. Winthrop, the regular Whig candidate, Mr. Sumner made one of his most effective speeches, in which he said: When in the month of July, 1830, the people of Paris rose against the arbitrary ordinances of Charles X., and, after three days of bloody combat, succeeded in that Revolution, by virtue of which the Dynasty of Orleans now occupies the throne of France, Lafayette, votary of Liberty in two hemispheres, placing himself at the head of the movement, on the second day, walked from his residence to the City Hall, through streets impassable to carriages, filled with barricades, and strewn with the wrecks of war. Moving along with a thin attendance, he was unexpectedly joined by a gallant Bostonian, who, though young in life, was already eminent by seven years of disinterested service in the struggle for Grecian independence against the Turks, who
. And such is our Movement to-day. It is a Revolution—not beginning with the destruction of a Bastile, but destined to end only with the overthrow of a tyranny, differing little in hardship and audacity from that which sustained the Bastile of France—I mean the Slave Power of the United States. By the Slave Power, I understand that combination of persons, or, perhaps, of politicians, whose animating principle is the perpetuation and extension of Slavery, and the advancement of Slaveholdersusetts—nurse of the men and principles which made our earliest revolution—vow herself anew to her early faith. Let her elevate once more the torch, which she first held aloft. Let us, if need be, pluck some fresh coals from the living altars of France. Let us, too, proclaim Liberty, Equality, Fraternity,—Liberty to the captive —Equality between the master and his slave—Fraternity with all men, the whole comprehended in that sublime revelation of Christianity, the Brotherhood of Mankind
party, we simply give form and direction, in harmony with the usage and the genius of popular governments, to a Movement which stirs the whole country, and does not find an adequate and constant organ in either of the other existing parties. In France, under the royalty of Louis Philippe, the faithful friends of the yet unborn Republic, formed a band together, and by their publications, speeches, and votes, sought to influence the public mind. Few at first in numbers, they became strong by unFederal Government. Until then Slavery had existed nowhere within the exclusive jurisdiction of this Government. It next secured for Slavery another recognition under the Federal Government, in the broad territory of Louisiana, purchased from France. It next placed Slavery again under the sanction of the Federal Government, in the territory of Florida, purchased from Spain. Waxing powerful, it was able, after a severe struggle, to dictate terms to the Federal Government, in the Missour
in England; but it is disowned by English institutions. It is to France that we must pass for the earliest development of this idea, for itand generosity. The dissolute despotism of Louis XV. overshadowed France. Selfish nobles and fawning courtiers filled the royal antechamberland, of irregular education and life, enjoying a temporary home in France, a man of audacious genius, who set at naught the received opinions Here we first meet this form of definition. At a later day, after France had passed through an unprecedented series of political vicissitudedeclarations preceded, in point of time, the ampler declarations of France, they may, if necessary, be construed in the light of the latter. zed them as a Caste, and a recent political and juridical writer of France has used the same term to denote, not only the distinctions in Indiin the college at Paris, and dined on the same day with the King of France, the descendant of St. Louis, at the Palace of the Tuileries. And
egalized outrage. In the dreary annals of the Past there are many acts of shame—there are ordinances of monarchs, and laws, which have become a bye-word and a hissing to the nations. But, when we consider the country and the age, I ask fearlessly, What act of shame, what ordinance of monarch, what law can compare in atrocity with this enactment of an American Congress? I do not forget Appius Claudius, the tyrant decemvir of ancient Rome, condemning Virginia as a slave; nor Louis XIV. of France, letting slip the dogs of religious persecution by the revocation of the edict of Nantes; nor Charles I. of England, arousing the patriot rage of Hampden, by the extortion of Ship-money; nor the British Parliament, provoking, in our own country, spirits kindred to Hampden, by the tyranny of the Stamp Act and Tea Tax. I would not exaggerate; I wish to keep within bounds; but I think no person can doubt that the condemnation now affixed to all these transactions, and to their authors, must be
everywhere upon our soil a dead letter. No lawyer will aid it by counsel; no citizen will become its agent; it will die of inanition—like a spider beneath an exhausted receiver. Oh! it were well the tidings should spread throughout the land, that here in Massachusetts this accursed Bill has found no servants. Sire, I have found in Bayonne honest citizens and brave soldiers only; but not one executioner, was the reply of the governor of that place, to the royal mandate from Charles IX. of France, ordering the Massacre of St. Bartholomew. But it rests with you, my fellow-citizens, by your words and your example, by your calm determinations, and your devoted lives, to do this work. From a humane, just, and religious people shall spring a Public Opinion, to keep perpetual guard over the liberties of all within our borders. Nay, more, like the flaming sword of the cherubim at the gates of Paradise, turning on every side, it shall prevent any Slavehunter from ever setting foot in t
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Fourth: orations and political speeches. (search)
tion, whether he should be declared Emperor of France, Lafayette, at that time in retirement, and onuck some fresh coals from the living altars of France. Let us, too, proclaim Liberty, Equality, Fran in either of the other existing parties. In France, under the royalty of Louis Philippe, the faite broad territory of Louisiana, purchased from France. It next placed Slavery again under the san disowned by English institutions. It is to France that we must pass for the earliest developmenthis form of definition. At a later day, after France had passed through an unprecedented series of and a recent political and juridical writer of France has used the same term to denote, not only theis, and dined on the same day with the King of France, the descendant of St. Louis, at the Palace ofmning Virginia as a slave; nor Louis XIV. of France, letting slip the dogs of religious persecutioace, to the royal mandate from Charles IX. of France, ordering the Massacre of St. Bartholomew. [5 more...]
nspeakable, in the final escape of Vincent de Paul. Exposed in the public squares of Tunis to the inspection of the traffickers in human flesh, this illustrious Frenchman was subjected to every vileness of treatment, compelled, like a horse, to open his mouth, to show his teeth, to trot, to run, to exhibit his strength in lifting burdens, and then, like a horse, legally sold in market overt. Passing from master to master, after a protracted servitude, he achieved his freedom, and regaining France, commenced that resplendent career of charity by which he is placed among the great names of Christendom. Princes and orators have lavished panegyrics upon this fugitive slave; and the Catholic Church, in homage to his extraordinary virtues, has introduced him into the company of saints. Less by genius or eminent services, than by sufferings, are the fugitive slaves of our country now commended. For them every sentiment of humanity is aroused: Who could refrain That had a heart to l