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Archibald H. Grimke, William Lloyd Garrison the Abolitionist, Chapter 7: master strokes. (search)
l slaves who had grown seditious and troublesome to their masters could be transplanted on the pestiferous African coast. That this wretched and seemingly transparent humbug could have deluded anybody, must now seem past belief; but I must with shame confess the fact that I for one was deluded by it. And that fact would put me in doubt of my own sanity at the time if I did not know that high statesmen, presidents of colleges, able editors, and that most undoubted of firm philanthropists, Gerrit Smith, shared the same delusion. Bible and missionary societies fellowshipped that mean and scurvy device of the kidnapper, in their holy work. It was spoken of as the most glorious of Christian enterprises, had a monthly magazine devoted to itself, and taxed about every pulpit in the land for an annual sermon in its favor. Such was the Colonization Society, and its entrenched strength in the piety and philanthropy of the country at the moment when Garrison published his Thoughts. It did
Archibald H. Grimke, William Lloyd Garrison the Abolitionist, Chapter 12: flotsam and jetsam. (search)
day of the Boston mob, there occurred one in Utica, N. Y., which was followed by somewhat similar results. An anti-slavery convention was attacked and broken up by a mob of gentlemen of property and standing in the community, under the active leadership of a member of Congress. Here there was an apparent defeat for the Abolitionists, but the consequences which followed the outrage proved it a blessing in disguise. For the cause made many gains thereby, and conspicuously among them was Gerrit Smith, ever afterward one of its most eloquent and munificent supporters. If anti-slavery meetings made converts by tens, anti-slavery mobs made them by hundreds. The enemies of freedom builded better than they knew or intended, and Garrison had the weightiest of reasons for feeling thankful to them for the involuntary, yet vast aid and comfort which their pro-slavery virulence and violence were bringing him and the anti-slavery movement throughout the free States. Example: in 1835-36, the g
Archibald H. Grimke, William Lloyd Garrison the Abolitionist, Chapter 15: Random Shots. (search)
The arrangement made in 1837, whereby the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society assumed the responsibility of the publication of the Liberator, Garrison rescinded at the beginning of 1838, for the sake of giving himself greater freedom in the advocacy in its columns of the several other reforms in which he had enlisted, besides Abolitionism. But Garrison and the paper were now widely recognized as anti-slavery essentials and indispensables. Many of the leaders of the movement perceived, as Gerrit Smith expressed it in a letter enclosing fifty dollars for the editor, that Among the many things in which the Abolitionists of our country should be agreed, are the two following: (I) The Liberator must be sustained; (2) its editor must be kept above want; not only, nor mainly, for his own or his family's happiness; but that, having his own mind unembarrassed by the cares of griping poverty, he may be a more effective advocate of the cause of the Saviour's enslaved poor. A new arrangement, in
Archibald H. Grimke, William Lloyd Garrison the Abolitionist, Chapter 17: as in a looking glass. (search)
edness of all opposition to his idea of right and duty. This, of course, must be taken only as a broad description of the reformer's character. He was a man, one of the grandest America has given to the world, but still a man with his tendon of Achilles, like the rest of his kind. His narrow intolerance of the idea of anti-slavery political action, and his fierce and unjust censure of the champions of that idea, well illustrate the trait in point. Birney and Whittier, and Wright and Gerrit Smith, and Joshua Leavitt, he apparently quite forgot, were actuated by motives singularly noble, were in their way as true to their convictions as he was to his. No, there was but one right way, and in that way stood the feet of the pioneer. His way led directly, unerringly, to the land of freedom. All other ways, and especially the Liberty party way, twisted, doubled upon themselves, branched into labyrinths of folly and self-seeking. Ho! all ye that desire the freedom of the slave, who wo
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Seventh: return to the Senate. (search)
id: Allow me to congratulate you on the success of your great speech. It did me good to hear again the true ring of the moral Anti-Slavery sentiment. If we want to demolish the Slave Power, we must educate the hearts of the people, no less than their heads. Joshua R. Giddings, so long the champion of Freedom, in Congress, wrote: My heart swells with gratitude to God that you are again permitted to stand in the Senate, and maintain the honor of the nation, and of mankind. Gerrit Smith said: God be praised for the proof it affords that you are yourself again—aye, more than yourself! I say more, for, though The Crime against Kansas was the speech of your life, this is the speech of your life. This eclipses that. The slaveholders will all read this speech, and will all be profited by its clear, certain, and convincing proofs. The candid among them will not dislike you for it; not a few of them will, at least in their hearts, thank and honor you for it. Would that
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Ii. (search)
id: Allow me to congratulate you on the success of your great speech. It did me good to hear again the true ring of the moral Anti-Slavery sentiment. If we want to demolish the Slave Power, we must educate the hearts of the people, no less than their heads. Joshua R. Giddings, so long the champion of Freedom, in Congress, wrote: My heart swells with gratitude to God that you are again permitted to stand in the Senate, and maintain the honor of the nation, and of mankind. Gerrit Smith said: God be praised for the proof it affords that you are yourself again—aye, more than yourself! I say more, for, though The Crime against Kansas was the speech of your life, this is the speech of your life. This eclipses that. The slaveholders will all read this speech, and will all be profited by its clear, certain, and convincing proofs. The candid among them will not dislike you for it; not a few of them will, at least in their hearts, thank and honor you for it. Would that
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Eighth: the war of the Rebellion. (search)
scaped. The General remarked after reading this despatch, This is too ridiculous to be laughed at. To sweep away the last doubt on the subject, a week later, Mr. Smith, Secretary of the Interior, at a dinner in Providence, R. I., said: The minds of the people of the South have been deceived by the artful representations of ntefere with the peculiar institution of Rhode Island whose benefits I have enjoyed:— Referring, we suppose, to a good dinner; nor, from the well-known habits of Mr. Smith, can we attribute the utterance of such a sentiment to the befuddling influence of the proverbially fine wine the gentlemen of Rhode Island drink. XIII. adhered to till the end. It was dictated by enlightened judgment, and a spirit of hearty goodwill to the South; for in his case, as in that of Horace Greeley, Gerrit Smith, and many others of the most enthusiastic champions of Freedom, their hostility was against a system of wrong, rather than against the wrong-doer. They wanted
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Xii. (search)
event the voluntary return of any fugitive, to the service from which he may have escaped. The General remarked after reading this despatch, This is too ridiculous to be laughed at. To sweep away the last doubt on the subject, a week later, Mr. Smith, Secretary of the Interior, at a dinner in Providence, R. I., said: The minds of the people of the South have been deceived by the artful representations of Democrats, who have assured them that the people of the North were determined to brcrushing out this institution of Slavery; but the government of the United States has no more right to interfere with the institution of Slavery in South Carolina, than it has to intefere with the peculiar institution of Rhode Island whose benefits I have enjoyed:— Referring, we suppose, to a good dinner; nor, from the well-known habits of Mr. Smith, can we attribute the utterance of such a sentiment to the befuddling influence of the proverbially fine wine the gentlemen of Rhode Island drink
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Lx. (search)
Lx. No public man seemed to have such clear ideas of that all-important subject, of how we should treat the Rebel States. The policy Mr. Sumner proposed in the beginning, he adhered to till the end. It was dictated by enlightened judgment, and a spirit of hearty goodwill to the South; for in his case, as in that of Horace Greeley, Gerrit Smith, and many others of the most enthusiastic champions of Freedom, their hostility was against a system of wrong, rather than against the wrong-doer. They wanted to see the system exterminated, without the ruin of its upholders. There was, therefore, nothing strange in what could hardly be understood at the time—the expression of so much sympathy with the South in her prostration. The first hand extended to the Chief of the Rebellion was by Horace Greeley, in the bail-bond of Jeff. Davis, for which he received the jeers of thousands. While the war lasted, these men advocated its prosecution with unrelenting vigor. When it ceased, the cry w
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Eleventh: his death, and public honors to his memory. (search)
gton correspondent of Mr. Beecher's ,Christian Union— This house of his was as wonderful and as curious as the man himself. It was so crowded with all things rare and beautiful, and so many of them bore on their faces or carried in their hands a story they seemed longing to tell, that he must have little of feeling or culture who did not find the very walls an inspiration. Over the mantel in his dining-room, hung the painting he has singled out from the rest and willed to his friend, Mr. Smith, of Boston. It is called The Miracle of the Slave. Mr. Sumner's own words, as nearly as I can remember them, will tell its story better than I can. Said he, at a breakfast party one morning, I suppose that picture, or its original, did more than any one thing toward my first election. I saw it first on my first trip to Europe, but it made no great impression on me. Still the picture remained in my mind, though I thought no more about it. When I was a candidate for the Senate, they wante
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