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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 44: Secession.—schemes of compromise.—Civil War.—Chairman of foreign relations Committee.—Dr. Lieber.—November, 1860– April, 1861. (search)
1860– April, 1861. The secession movement had been definitely planned before the election of Mr. Lincoln, and its leaders were as well satisfied with this result as were his own supporters. They had even connived at it by a division of the Southern vote, so as to make a pretence for revolution. Immediately after the election was made known, they proceeded actively to consummate their purpose in open and secret measures. On December 15 appeared the address of Jefferson Davis, Benjamin, Slidell, Wigfall, and other leaders of secession in Congress, invoking the Southern people to organize a Southern confederacy; avowing that the primary object of each slaveholding State ought to be its speedy and absolute separation from a union with the hostile States. South Carolina took the lead, and seceded five days later, followed the next month by Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, and Louisiana. Texas completed her secession February 1. The disunion sentiment was advancing in Arkansa
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 45: an antislavery policy.—the Trent case.—Theories of reconstruction.—confiscation.—the session of 1861-1862. (search)
o neutral ports,—and having among its passengers Mason and Slidell, Confederate envoys accredited to England and France respewas in Boston when the tidings of the seizure of Mason and Slidell arrived. When others were exulting he said at once, withodenounce in advance any proposition to surrender Mason and Slidell as a national humiliation. His ill-timed outburst was alaDecember 26, Mr. Seward notified Lord Lyons that Mason and Slidell would be delivered up. The decision was right, but the grothe Springfield Republican. He did not once name Mason and Slidell, but spoke of them as the two old men, citizens of the Uniional peace. His main position was that neither Mason and Slidell, not being persons in military service, nor their despatchs desire is to associate with our decision about Mason and Slidell some triumph of our traditional policy with regard to marino memory for injuries, and that in surrendering Mason and Slidell he did it in good faith,—laying up nothing for future acco
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 48: Seward.—emancipation.—peace with France.—letters of marque and reprisal.—foreign mediation.—action on certain military appointments.—personal relations with foreigners at Washington.—letters to Bright, Cobden, and the Duchess of Argyll.—English opinion on the Civil War.—Earl Russell and Gladstone.—foreign relations.—1862-1863. (search)
y resisted Sumner's contention that the British proclamation of neutrality and the demand for the surrender of Mason and Slidell were unfriendly acts. He rejected also Sumner's contention that the pro-slavery basis of the Confederacy should have afistinguished contemporary. Bright at the very hour when the English temper was most excited by the seizure of Mason and Slidell, not then surrendered, appealed to his country in a speech at Rochdale, Dec. 4, 1861:— Now, whether the Union willith observations on the remarkable impression he made on the French people. It closed with a contrast between him and John Slidell, the Confederate emissary to the French emperor. Atlantic Monthly, November, 1863; Works, vol. VIII. pp. 1-38. SliSlidell did not return to the United States; he died in London in 1871. Sumner became at this time a member of the Union Club, Park Street, then recently organized, and often took his dinners there for the rest of his life when he was in Boston. T
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 51: reconstruction under Johnson's policy.—the fourteenth amendment to the constitution.—defeat of equal suffrage for the District of Columbia, and for Colorado, Nebraska, and Tennessee.—fundamental conditions.— proposed trial of Jefferson Davis.—the neutrality acts. —Stockton's claim as a senator.—tributes to public men. —consolidation of the statutes.—excessive labor.— address on Johnson's Policy.—his mother's death.—his marriage.—1865-1866. (search)
were so needed. If we cannot have all we need, we must take what we can get. The conflict between Congress and the President, which Sumner had foreseen for several months to be inevitable, came finally, February 19, when he vetoed the bill to enlarge the powers of the Freedmen's Bureau, following it three days later with a ribald speech to a crowd gathered at the White House, in which he put the Republican leaders opposed to him (Sumner among them) on a footing with Davis, Tooombs, and Slidell, and exalted, as was his habit, his own personal career. The veto and the harangue marked a distinct step in his departure from the Republican party. Then came his veto, March 27, of the Civil Rights bill, and July 16, of the second Freedmen's Bureau bill—the last two vetoes being overcome by a two-thirds vote of both houses. Trumbull showed consummate ability in the drafting, management, and advocacy of these measures. As they were well handled in debate—not only by Trumbull, but by H
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 52: Tenure-of-office act.—equal suffrage in the District of Columbia, in new states, in territories, and in reconstructed states.—schools and homesteads for the Freedmen.—purchase of Alaska and of St. Thomas.—death of Sir Frederick Bruce.—Sumner on Fessenden and Edmunds.—the prophetic voices.—lecture tour in the West.—are we a nation?—1866-1867. (search)
He was led to the research by his conception of a republic with limits as wide as the continent. His love of books-always a passion with him—drew him to such diversions from public anxieties. He delighted not only in fresh volumes, but also in old and rare and forgotten books, and in tracing out those who gave them to the world. This habit, contracted in youth, began with his Characters of Lawyers and Judges, Ante, vol. i. p. 124. and appears in later papers, Benjamin Franklin and John Slidell at Paris (Works, vol. VIII. pp. 1-38): Clemency and Common Sense, a Curiosity of Literature. Works, vol. IX. pp. 503-544. which required toilsome research. John Sherman, writing, September 6, from Mansfield, Ohio, said:— Aside from its elegance as a literary composition and its romantic interest, it has a political significance of very great importance. I have felt that after reconstruction is settled, we must have some grand idea as the centre of our political policy. What ca
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 58: the battle-flag resolution.—the censure by the Massachusetts Legislature.—the return of the angina pectoris. —absence from the senate.—proofs of popular favor.— last meetings with friends and constituents.—the Virginius case.—European friends recalled.—1872-1873. (search)
c with some hope of perpetuity, was altogether suited to the genius of the two heads of the war bureaus, Robeson and Belknap. The former spent five millions of dollars in his unseemly preparations of a naval armament against a friendly power, and the latter's subsequent career is well remembered. Behind all was the greed for Cuba and the watching of an opportunity to seize that possession of Spain. The whole transaction, reviving the memory of the Ostend manifesto of Buchanan, Mason, and Slidell, ended in a fiasco. The Virginius was delivered up by the Spanish government; and while being towed as a trophy by one of our war ships to New York, she went to the bottom off Cape Fear. I left Boston for Europe, May 20, and was absent till November 13. For the few days after my arrival home Sumner remained in the city. I sought his rooms at the Coolidge House as often as each alternate morning, reaching his door before he had completed his dressing, and remaining till after his break