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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 342 0 Browse Search
Raphael Semmes, Memoirs of Service Afloat During the War Between the States 180 2 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 178 2 Browse Search
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1 168 0 Browse Search
Benjamnin F. Butler, Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin Butler 122 0 Browse Search
John G. Nicolay, A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln, condensed from Nicolay and Hayes' Abraham Lincoln: A History 118 2 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 118 2 Browse Search
William Alexander Linn, Horace Greeley Founder and Editor of The New York Tribune 106 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 29. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 102 2 Browse Search
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government 97 3 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore). You can also browse the collection for William H. Seward or search for William H. Seward in all documents.

Your search returned 13 results in 8 document sections:

west of Virginia, and continues the route by rails of various denominations to Richmond. The scene was so peaceful, a man might well doubt the evidence of one's sense that a great contest was being played out below in bloodshed, or imagine, as Mr. Seward sometimes does, that it was a delusion when he wakes in the morning and finds there is civil war upon him. But the cannon spoke out loudly from the green bushes, and the plains below were mottled, so to speak, by puffs of smoke and by white rinng to Bull Run, and by saying, See the result of forcing Gen. Scott against his wishes. Of the Cabinet, Mr. Chase, the Secretary of the Treasury, is perhaps the only man who bore up against the disheartening intelligence of Monday morning; but Mr. Seward and others are recovering their spirits as they find that their army was more frightened than hurt, and that the Confederates did not advance on the Capital immediately after the success. It was a sad, rude sweep of the broom to the cobweb-spi
n gas of madness under the name of liberty. Thus their votes have been secured for their infamous Republican party. But Seward and Greeley split. Seward wished to keep them in order, Greeley (insane himself) turned them loose on Seward, made them Seward wished to keep them in order, Greeley (insane himself) turned them loose on Seward, made them put Soulouque Lincoln on the throne, and compelled Seward to act as his Prince of Marmalade. Now, what next? The wind bloweth where it listeth. But there is a God over all. And, certainly, He has thus far been with us. The wealth of the North, Seward, made them put Soulouque Lincoln on the throne, and compelled Seward to act as his Prince of Marmalade. Now, what next? The wind bloweth where it listeth. But there is a God over all. And, certainly, He has thus far been with us. The wealth of the North, great nominally, is on the surface of the earth. Cities, machineshops, railroads, ships, stocks, &c., &c. It has no vitality — no power of production, but what labor gives it. But there, as everywhere, all seek to avoid the sweat of the brow, and prSeward to act as his Prince of Marmalade. Now, what next? The wind bloweth where it listeth. But there is a God over all. And, certainly, He has thus far been with us. The wealth of the North, great nominally, is on the surface of the earth. Cities, machineshops, railroads, ships, stocks, &c., &c. It has no vitality — no power of production, but what labor gives it. But there, as everywhere, all seek to avoid the sweat of the brow, and prefer to labor with the brain rather than with the muscles. Hence their cultivated ingenuity. Hence the credit system, the banks and bills of exchange, which came in first with the non-working. Israelites, and after, withal, when slavery began to d
t belong to us all, share and share alike ? No law, then, has been passed applying the Wilmot Proviso. Has any been enacted abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia? No. Even Mr. Lincoln assures us that he will approve no such law, except with the consent of the slaveholders of the District, and then not without compensation to the owners. Has any law been passed interfering with slavery in the States? Not at all. Such a doctrine is not even in the Chicago platform. Mr. Lincoln, Mr. Seward, Mr. Caleb B. Smith, Attorney-General Bates, Senator Wilson, and all the chief men of the Republican party repudiate it — none maintain it but professed and extreme Abolitionists, such as Gerritt Smith, Henry Ward Beecher, Wm. Lloyd Garrison, Arthur Tappan, Charles Sumner, and Wendell Phillips, whose fanatical and wicked efforts, backed by all the aid they can enlist from the rank and file of pure Abolitionism, can never any more disturb or harm the institution of slavery in the States tha
South. Each required the element suited to its social nature. Each must strive to make the government expressive of its social nature. The natural expansion of the one must become encroachment on the other, and so the contest was inevitable. Seward and Lincoln, in theory at least, whatever be their aim, are right. I realized the fact and so declared the conflict irrepressible years before either ventured to advance that proposition. Upon that declaration I have always acted, and the receney were urged on by an inexorable power, it was important we should know it. Our own political leaders refused to realize the fact. The zealots of the North alone could force the recognition; and I am bound to own that Giddings, and Greeley, and Seward, and Lincoln, parasites as they are, panderers to popular taste as they are, the instruments, and the mere instruments, of aggression, have done more to rouse us to the vindication of our rights than the bravest and the best among us. Such, th
uivocation: Settle it now! For so sure as hour follows after hour, so sure will the North never pause till the cause that brought the war on it is utterly extinguished. There can be no peace. There can be no compromise. It is war to the utter annihilation of slavery. The day of honeyed words has passed. The day of bloody deeds has come. And let those who do the fighting get the pay. Such an array of proof from those in authority, from public orators, officials, and the press, shows unmistakably the growing tendency of northern sentiment. The current still flows on unchecked, gathering in swiftness and in volume, and under the auspices of a maddened fanaticism promises to sweep every vestige of human reason. The propagators of this war, in other words, intend it as a crusade upon the institution of slavery, and they are evidently looking forward to a future time when they will witness Mr. Seward's prophecy of its ultimate extinguishment. --Memphis Appeal, July 31.
gs of our fathers, may be restored in all its original excellence; Therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do appoint the last Thursday in September next as a day of humiliation, prayer, and fasting for all the people of the nation. And I do earnestly recommend that all the people, and especially to all ministers and teachers of religion, of all denominations, and to all heads of families, to observe and keep that day, according to their several creeds and modes of worship, in all humility, and with all religious solemnity, to the end that the united prayer of the nation may ascend to the Throne of Grace, and bring down plentiful blessings upon our country. In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set [L. S.]my hand, and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed, this 12th day of August, A. D. 1861, and of the Independence of the United States of America the eighty-sixth. Abraham Lincoln. By the President: William H. Seward, Secretary of State.
United States, will be forfeited to the United States, and I hereby enjoin upon all district attorneys, marshals, and officers of the revenue and of the military and naval forces of the United States to be vigilant in the execution of the said act, and in the enforcement of the penalties and forfeitures imposed or declared by it, leaving any party who may think himself aggrieved thereby to his application to the Secretary of the Treasury for the remission of any penalty or forfeiture, which the said Secretary is authorized by law to grant, if in his judgment the special circumstances of any case shall require such a remission. In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done in the City of Washington, this, the 16th day of August, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of the independence of the United States of America the eighty-sixth. Abraham Lincoln. By the President. Wm. H. Seward.
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore), Doc. 206.-U. S. Executive Government, 1861-65. (search)
Doc. 206.-U. S. Executive Government, 1861-65. Abraham Lincoln, of Ill., President. Hannibal Hamlin, of Me., Vice-President. Secretary of State.--William H. Seward, of N. Y. Secretary of Treasury.--Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio. Secretary of Interior.--Caleb B. Smith, of Indiana. Secretary of Navy.--Gideon Welles, of Conn. Secretary of War.--Simon Cameron, of Penn. Attorney-General.--Edward Bates, of Mo. P. M. General.--Montgomery Blair, of Mo.