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Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 24 0 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: December 17, 1860., [Electronic resource] 12 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 32. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 6 0 Browse Search
John M. Schofield, Forty-six years in the Army 6 0 Browse Search
Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 1 6 0 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: March 15, 1861., [Electronic resource] 6 0 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 4 0 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: December 1, 1860., [Electronic resource] 4 0 Browse Search
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery. 4 0 Browse Search
An English Combatant, Lieutenant of Artillery of the Field Staff., Battlefields of the South from Bull Run to Fredericksburgh; with sketches of Confederate commanders, and gossip of the camps. 4 0 Browse Search
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icers, to fill up the regimental quota. But the eight captains considered their respective commands very select, as being composed of the elite of their localities, and so, much negotiation ensued. At last an ex-Governor of the State (an ex-U. S. Senator also) came forward with his select company, and, being well known, was instantly allotted the place of company I. Next day came another ex-U. S. Senator with his company-all representatives of the first families, of course-and was unanimouslU. S. Senator with his company-all representatives of the first families, of course-and was unanimously assigned the place of company K. The companies being at last assembled, and all being proficient in company drill, there was great rivalry among us to see who should be considered the company of the regiment; but as field officers had not yet been elected, we were drilled as a regiment on successive days by different captains: and a pretty farce some of them made of it! We were put through all kinds of movements, and several of these extemporized colonels put us into figures that defied all
J. B. Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary, XXII. January, 1863 (search)
it is 60 cts. Lard is $1.00. Butter $2.00. They say the sudden rise is caused by the prisoners of Gen. Bragg, several thousand of whom have arrived here, and they are subsisted from the market. Thus they injure us every way. But, n'importe, say some; if Lincoln's Emancipation be not revoked, but few more prisoners will be taken on either side. That would be a barbarous war, without quarter. I see that Col. J. W. Wall, of New Jersey, has been nominated, and I suppose will be elected, U. S. Senator. He was confined for months in prison at Fort Lafayette. I imagine the colonel is a bold, able man. January 18 It was bitter cold last night, and everything is frozen this morning; there will be abundance of ice next summer, if we keep our ice-houses. In these times of privation and destitution, I see many men, who were never prominent secessionists, enjoying comfortable positions, and seeking investments for their surplus funds. Surely there must be some compensation in thi
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Speech of Hon. Abraham Lincoln, at Springfield June 17, 1858. (search)
Speech of Hon. Abraham Lincoln, at Springfield June 17, 1858. The following speech was delivered at Springfield, Ill., at the close of the Republican State Convention held at that time and place, and by which Convention Mr. Lincoln had been named as their candidate for U. S. Senator. Mr. Douglas was not present. Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the Convention: If we could first know where we are, and whither we are tending, we could better judge what to do, and how to do it. We are now far into the fifth year, since a policy was initiated with the avowed object, and confident promise, of putting an end to slavery agitation. Under the operation of that policy, that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented. In my opinion, it will not cease, until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. A house divided against itself cannot stand, I believe this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolv
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Second joint debate, at Freeport, August 27, 1858. (search)
every man who voted for these resolutions, with but two exceptions, voted for Lincoln for the United States Senate. [ Give us their names. ] I will read the names over to you if you want them, but I believe your object is to occupy my time. On the next resolution the vote stood-yeas 33, nays 40, and on the third resolution --yeas 35, nays 47. I wish to impress it upon you, that every man who voted for those resolutions, with but two exceptions, voted on the next day for Lincoln for U. S. Senator. Bear in mind that the members who thus voted for Lincoln were elected to the Legislature pledged to vote for no man for office under the State or Federal Government who was not committed to this Black Republican platform. They were all so pledged. Mr. Turner, who stands by me, and who then represented you, and who says that he wrote those resolutions, voted for Lincoln, when he was pledged not to do so unless Lincoln was in favor of those resolutions. I now ask Mr. Turner [turning
lance. During the anxious moments that intervened between the general election and the assembling of the Legislature he slept, like Napoleon, with one eye open. While attending court at Clinton on the 11th of November, a few days after the election, he wrote to a party friend in the town of Paris: I have a suspicion that a Whig has been elected to the Legislature from Edgar. If this is not so, why then, nix cum arous; but if it is so, then could you not make a mark with him for me for U. S. Senator? I really have some chance. Please write me at Springfield giving me the names, post-offices, and political positions of your Representative and Senator, whoever they may be. Let this be confidential. Robert Mosely, November 11, 1855, Ms. That man who thinks Lincoln calmly sat down and gathered his robes about him, waiting for the people to call him, has a very erroneous knowledge of Lincoln. He was always calculating, and always planning ahead. His ambition was a little engin
s are the force which should be employed in the nice routine of the service in which the duties are not sufficiently important to justify that disruption of society . . . which would result from bringing out men of that high class which the honorable Senator from Kentucky has correctly said constitute the great body of the volunteers. Following his argument, Mr. Davis touched upon a question which, later, was to receive, on both sides of the great sectional line, a bloody solution. The g. Davis was the first to respond. He made it clear that his entrance, under the circumstances, into the debate was due to this, and to this only. I have only to say, he exclaimed, that it is from no want of accordance in feeling with the honorable Senator, but from deference to him who has so long and so nobly stood foremost in defence of the institutions of the South, that I remained silent. It was rather that I wish to follow him, than that I did not feel the indignation which he has so w
on, they cried most lustily that the Union was in danger, and saved by their exertion the officers of the State and some of the Federal Government. I thank you for the hope you express of my speedy return to the Senate; I believe that the people of the State, if another election occurs before a choice of a senator, will so decree; but the present legislature has been called to meet in extraordinary session, and the members having been elected under extraordinary circumstances, no calculation as to their course on this subject can be made by ordinary rules. I believe that Emory Afterward General W. II. Emory, of the United States Army. will lose no reputation by his triumph over the favoritism of the Top. Eng. Bureau, but the Government cannot now gain all which his knowledge of the particular subject would have secured to us, if he had been continued to the position of Astronomer. I am as ever truly your friend, Jefferson Davis. James Alfred Pearce, U. S. Senator, D. C.
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 5. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Fifth annual meeting of the Southern Historical Society, October 31st., 1877. (search)
al Society, October 31st., 1877. The following splendid oration treats mainly of post bellum history; but this is a period of great importance as exhibiting the fruits of the doctrines of the Federal war-party. The distinguished orator has given a picture of the violation of the peace of ‘65, and the war upon the Constitution made by the Radical party, which should be widely read, and most carefully preserved as material for the future historian. Address of General John T. Morgan, U. S. Senator from Alabama. The efforts of the Southern Historical Society have been most appropriately directed to the collection of facts relating to the period of actual and open war from 1861 to 1865. That field is yet but slightly gleaned, and it is indispensable that this generation of Southern men should gather all its sad truths and preserve them until a later period, when, in a cloudless atmostphere, the patient and impartial philosopher shall be able to place facts and deductions side
Wendell Phillips delivered a discourse in Boston on the present rebellion. Some time ago he made a speech deprecating, in the most emphatic manner, any appeal to arms, as certain to result in the renewed and permanent triumph of slavery. The people of the North, he said, would not fight, and the first result of a military demonstration would be the complete surrender of the North, and the concession of everything that might be demanded at their hands.--(Doc. 81.) Andrew Johnson, U. S. Senator from Tennessee, passed through Lynchburg, Va., on his way from Washington to Tennessee. A large crowd assembled and groaned at him. They offered every indignity, and efforts were made to take him off the cars. Mr. Johnson was protected by the conductor and others. He denied sending a message asserting that Tennessee should furnish her quota of men.--Commercial Advertiser, April 26. The citizens of Baltimore were fearfully excited on account of a rumored descent upon them by Feder
Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buell, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War: Volume 2., chapter 8.68 (search)
sound of artillery in the direction of South Mountain was growing louder, which left no doubt on my mind of the advance of the whole Federal army. If this were the case, it was certain that General Lee would be in fearful peril should the capture of Harper's Ferry be much longer delayed. I thereupon asked permission to open fire, but receiving no reply, I determined to be forced. For this purpose I placed the two North Carolina regiments under Colonel (afterward Major-General, and now U. S. Senator) M. W. Ransom, which had relieved those under Cooke, in line of battle in full view of the Federal batteries on Bolivar Heights. As I expected, they at once opened a heavy, but harmless, fire upon my regiments, which afforded me the wished — for pretext. Withdrawing the infantry to the safe side of the mountain, I directed my batteries to reply. It is possible that some of my military readers may question the propriety of my course, and allege that it amounted virtually to disobedie