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Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 2 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.), Index (search)
ng man, 369 n. Peterson, Charles J., 168 Peterson, Henry, 281 Peter the Great, 136 Petroleum V. Nasby. See Locke, D. R. Pfaff's restaurant, 268 Phelps, Austen, 208 Phelps, Elizabeth Stuart. See Ward, Elizabeth S. P. Philanthropist, the, 45 Philip II, 129, 136, 139, 146 Philo Judaeus, 211 Philosophy of history, the, 4 Philosophy of the short story, the, 388 Phoenixiana, 156 Physiology of verse, the, 229 Picayune, 184 Picket-Guard, The, 280 Pierce, Franklin, 19, 21 Pierce, Miss, 215 Pike, Albert, 290, 292, 298, 303 Pindar, 2, 3, 238 Pinkney, Edward Coate, 289 Pintard, John, 115 Pioneer, the, 165, 246 Pioneer times in California, 363 n. Pitkin, Timothy, 108, 111 Pitt, William, 93, 96 Place of Judge story in the making of American law, the, 77 n. Plain and pleasant talk about fruit, flowers and farming, 215 Plato, 197, 211, 213 Plebeian, 264 n. Plu-Ri-Bus Tah, 156 Poe, Edgar Allan, 37, 55-69, 165, 168,
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 36: first session in Congress.—welcome to Kossuth.—public lands in the West.—the Fugitive Slave Law.—1851-1852. (search)
id. To John Bigelow, June 9:— I longed to see you. When you called I was at Eames's, discoursing on Baltimore and its scenes. This nomination Of Franklin Pierce, as Democratic candidate for President. makes me lament anew the fatal 1849, when the Barnburners and the Hunkers coalesced. Had they kept apart, we should arinciples and character. For myself, I am left alone. The political fellowships I had hoped to establish are vanishing. Of course I can have nothing to do with Pierce or his platform,—probably nothing with Scott or his. How I wish we had all stuck together! Should Pierce be elected, with a Democratic Senate and house, we shoulPierce be elected, with a Democratic Senate and house, we should have the iron rule of the slave-power. To C. F. Adams, June 21:— We hear that Scott is nominated at last. I tell you confidentially how Seward regards it. He thinks that his friends have been defeated, that Scott is made to carry weight which will probably defeat him, and that the campaign can have little interest for<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 37: the national election of 1852.—the Massachusetts constitutional convention.—final defeat of the coalition.— 1852-1853. (search)
mphasis on the Fugitive Slave Act—to be a final adjustment and permanent settlement. In June, 1852, in conventions held in Baltimore, the Democrats nominated Franklin Pierce for President, whose only conspicuous merit was subserviency to slavery; and the Whigs, General Winfield Scott. The Whig convention, controlled by considerat done for the Southern cause, he was left at the end with only the following of a small band of personal admirers. At the last he advised his friends to vote for Pierce, the candidate of the party he had always opposed. The Free Soilers found themselves in the early months of 1852 in a state of perplexity. The secession of th, as soldier and patriot, immeasurably the superior of his successful opponent; and the Free Soilers, though not voting for him, preferred his election to that of Pierce. It was the last struggle of the Whigs for existence as a national party, and when the next contest came they were a disbanded host. To show how little public m
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 38: repeal of the Missouri Compromise.—reply to Butler and Mason.—the Republican Party.—address on Granville Sharp.—friendly correspondence.—1853-1854. (search)
Chapter 38: repeal of the Missouri Compromise.—reply to Butler and Mason.—the Republican Party.—address on Granville Sharp.—friendly correspondence.—1853-1854. Chase and Sumner were the only two Free Soil senators in the Thirty-third Congress, the first in the Administration of Franklin Pierce, which began its session Dec. 5, 1853. They missed the readiness and wit of Hale of New Hampshire, who had been succeeded by a Democrat. The Democrats being in a majority in the Senate, designated in caucus from their number a majority of each committee, assigning places to Chase, and leaving the vacancies to be filled by the Whigs, with the expectation that they would assign places to Sumner. Seward's motion in the Whig caucus to put him on certain committees was withdrawn in consequence of the opposition of Everett, who after stating his friendly relations with his colleague, which he wished to have continued, was averse to any action which would recognize him as a Whig,. Evere
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 44: Secession.—schemes of compromise.—Civil War.—Chairman of foreign relations Committee.—Dr. Lieber.—November, 1860– April, 1861. (search)
confined to the slaveholding States. The identification of the Democratic party with the slaveholding interest for a long period had poisoned the minds of many of the Democratic leaders at the North. Treasonable sentiments were uttered by Franklin Pierce, Caleb Cushing, Fernando Wood, Horatio Seymour, and Chancellor Walworth; Greeley's American Conflict, vol. I. pp. 388-393, 512. Cushing made, November 26, an inflammatory speech at Newburyport, which affirmed the right of secession, andcarry all the slave States by force of sympathy. It was impossible to measure the extent to which the masses of the Democratic party in the North were in accord with their pro-slavery leaders, or to know of a certainty how much there was in Franklin Pierce's prediction, in his letter to Jefferson Davis a year before, that the fighting when it came would not be south of Mason and Dixon's line only, but would be also between two classes of citizens at the North. Other Northern Democratic lead
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 51: reconstruction under Johnson's policy.—the fourteenth amendment to the constitution.—defeat of equal suffrage for the District of Columbia, and for Colorado, Nebraska, and Tennessee.—fundamental conditions.— proposed trial of Jefferson Davis.—the neutrality acts. —Stockton's claim as a senator.—tributes to public men. —consolidation of the statutes.—excessive labor.— address on Johnson's Policy.—his mother's death.—his marriage.—1865-1866. (search)
o General Grant's, but avoided a like mention of General Schurz's, and avowed his own belief that sectional animosity is surely and rapidly merging itself into a spirit of nationality in the late rebel States. The message and General Grant's report having been read from the desk, Sumner called for the reading of General Schurz's report, but this was found to be impracticable on account of its length. Sumner, in brief remarks, said that the message was like the whitewashing message of Franklin Pierce with regard to the enormities in Kansas, and referred to Schurz's report as accurate, authentic, and most authoritative, and to Grant's visit as hasty. Works, vol. x. pp. 47-54. The epithet whitewashing drew at once protests from Reverdy Johnson and from two Republican supporters of the President, Doolittle and Dixon; and Sumner, while declining to retract or modify his language, disclaimed having made, as charged, any reflection on the patriotism or the truth of the President.
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 56: San Domingo again.—the senator's first speech.—return of the angina pectoris.—Fish's insult in the Motley Papers.— the senator's removal from the foreign relations committee.—pretexts for the remioval.—second speech against the San Domingo scheme.—the treaty of Washington.—Sumner and Wilson against Butler for governor.—1870-1871. (search)
ommittee on territories in order to carry the Lecompton constitution, and he referred to the menace of personal assault filling the air. He called on Colfax, the Vice-President, to counsel the President to shun all approach to the example of Franklin Pierce, James Buchanan, and Andrew Johnson. At the end he insisted on the title of the colored race to the island,—theirs by right of possession, by their sweat and blood mingling with the soil, by tropical position, by its burning sun, and by unamith, Aug. 20, 1871, in the latter's Life, by Frothingham, p. 329. He Senate took a recess till half-past 7 in the evening, when Morton replied to Sumner. He repelled the charge of usurpation and the comparison of the President with Buchanan and Pierce, but passed lightly over the use of our ships in the Haytian and Dominican waters. Though predicting the annexation of San Domingo and also of Cuba and Porto Rico at some future time, he as well as the other supporters of the resolution put asid
Edward H. Savage, author of Police Recollections; Or Boston by Daylight and Gas-Light ., Boston events: a brief mention and the date of more than 5,000 events that transpired in Boston from 1630 to 1880, covering a period of 250 years, together with other occurrences of interest, arranged in alphabetical order, Boston events. (search)
d States, John Tyler, inaugurated, Apr. 5, 1841 Visited Boston, June 17, 1843 Died, aged seventy-two years, Jan. 17, 1862 James K. Polk, inaugurated, Mar. 4, 1845 Visited Boston, July 4, 1847 Died, aged fifty-four years, June 17, 1849 Zachary Taylor, inaugurated, Mar. 5, 1849 Died, aged sixty-six years, July 10, 1850 Millard Fillmore, inaugurated, July 10, 1850 Visited Boston, at Railroad Jubilee, Oct. 25, 1848 Died, aged seventy-four years, Mar. 8, 1874 Franklin Pierce, inaugurated, Mar. 4, 1853 Died, aged sixty-five years, Oct. 8, 1869 James Buchanan, inaugurated, Mar. 4, 1857 Visited Boston, with Polk, July 4, 1847 Died, aged seventy-seven years, June 1, 1868 Abraham Lincoln, inaugurated, Mar. 4, 1861 Assassinated, aged fifty-six years, Apr. 14, 1865 Andrew Johnson, inaugurated, Apr. 15, 1865 Visited Boston, June 24, 1867 Died, aged sixty-seven years, July 30, 1875 Ulysses S. Grant, inaugurated, Mar. 4, 1869 Visited
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans), The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States. (search)
,000, and contains about 45,535 square miles. It is the smallest of the acquisitions. The treaty by which it was acquired was signed in ratification by President Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire, being the only instance in which the ratification of any treaty for the acquisition of foreign territory was signed by a president residing north of Mason and Dixon's line. But Franklin Pierce was the representative of the party which had always favored expansion. Thus the total cost of the Mexican cessions was, exclusive of interest, about $28,000,000, for 568,103 square miles of land, not including Texas, which contained 274,356 square miles, and which wasnew idea. Negotiations for ceding it to the United States were begun at the instance of Russia in 1854, during the Crimean war, and in the administration of President Pierce. They were renewed by the United States during President Buchanan's administration, but were then declined by Russia. In 1867 negotiations were renewed bet
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans), The civil history of the Confederate States (search)
ly four States. Twenty-seven States voted for Pierce. The inexcusable folly of the Whig conventithe agitators' vote for Hale was only 155,825; Pierce's vote of 1,601,274 exceeded the Whig poll by on did not gain strength soon enough to defeat Pierce, it entered among the broken hosts of the Whig administration of Fillmore closed and that of Pierce began. The year 1853 has been likened to the omestic institutions. The inaugural of President Pierce pleased all Conservatives throughout the politics, distressful to the administration of Pierce, and fatal to that of Buchanan. Evidently twar was declared against the general policy of Pierce, and definitely in favor of all measures that ent, and dismayed the South. Ten States which Pierce had carried in 1852 were lost. New York and O0. He was also the private secretary of President Pierce for a short time in 1853, and had afterwafully requesting the President to appoint Franklin Pierce, Millard Fillmore, and Thomas Ewing, and [2 more...]
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