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Adam Badeau, Grant in peace: from Appomattox to Mount McGregor, a personal memoir 11 11 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 25. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 2 2 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: January 13, 1862., [Electronic resource] 1 1 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: November 30, 1861., [Electronic resource] 1 1 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: September 28, 1861., [Electronic resource] 1 1 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: March 24, 1864., [Electronic resource] 1 1 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 1 1 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II. 1 1 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 1 1 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 3. 1 1 Browse Search
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nsent of the Senate. It is but a short time since the United States Senate was in session and why not then have asked for this removal if it was desired? It certainly was the intention of the Legislative branch of the Government to place Cabinet Ministers beyond the power of Executive removal, and it is pretty well understood that, so far as Cabinet Ministers are affected by the Tenure of Office bill, it was intended specially to protect the Secretary of War, whom the country felt great confCabinet Ministers are affected by the Tenure of Office bill, it was intended specially to protect the Secretary of War, whom the country felt great confidence in. The meaning of the law may be explained away by an astute lawyer but common sense and the views of loyal people will give to it the effect intended by its framers. . . . In conclusion, allow me to say as a friend, desiring peace and quiet, the welfare of the whole country North and South, that it is in my opinion more than the loyal people of this country (I mean those who supported the Government during the great Rebellion) will quietly submit to, to see the very men of all other
ce summoned him to a Cabinet meeting. Grant obeyed the message and was addressed as Mr. Secretary. He instantly disclaimed the title, and declared he had notified the President that he could no longer serve in that capacity; but Johnson maintained that Grant had promised to remain in office until a successor could be appointed. The result was a direct issue of veracity between Grant and the President. Grant positively denied the assertion of Johnson and Johnson induced three of his Cabinet Ministers to declare that he spoke the truth, which implied of course that Grant was false. Grant never spoke to either of these men again, nor allowed his family to visit theirs. On the day when he was inaugurated as President he refused to sit in the same carriage with his predecessor, and during his Administration he manifested the same feeling toward Johnson's Secretary of the Treasury. McCulloch had returned to his old business of banking and was established in London as a partner in th
e actual necessity for decision there could be no mistaking the signs. Still Grant lived in the hope that the necessity might be averted. He would not admit to himself that he must take up the new role. The approach of the crisis awoke no ambition in him. Indeed, the spectacle of Johnson dishonored, impeached, almost deposed, was not calculated to make one who stood so near at all eager to become his successor. The struggles whose inner history Grant knew so well, the troubles with Cabinet Ministers, the distracting fears and anxieties of Johnson, perhaps the fate of Lincoln,—all conspired to dispel the illusions which men further off might entertain. Grant saw for himself that the lot of the President was a hard one; and I do not believe he ever admitted to his own heart before the final rupture with Johnson that he would accept the nomination for the Presidency. This repugnance doubtless helped him to conceal so long his differences with the President, and made him submit t
ut Grant kept every intention within his own breast down to a very few days before his inauguration. He was led to this unusual course partly by his military habits and experience, and partly, no doubt, by a belief that his own judgment was better than that of any who could advise him. He had been used in the army to appointing commanders without consulting their wishes and to ordering movements without informing his inferiors; and he kept up the practice in civil life. Many of his Cabinet Ministers were appointed before they themselves were notified. One of them told me he felt as if he had been struck by lightning when he heard of his own nomination. Marshall Jewell went to Washington once to urge the appointment of a friend to the Russian Mission, but was unsuccessful, and on his return he learned that his own name had been sent to the Senate for the post. Jewell was afterward dismissed from the Cabinet in the same peremptory way. Grant said to him one morning: Mr. Jewell,
returning to Philadelphia, he read on the train that his own name had been sent to the Senate as Secretary of the Navy. He was the man from Pennsylvania, and that was the first he knew about it. Grant, indeed, at this time, looked upon Cabinet Ministers as on staff officers, whose personal relations with himself were so close that they should be chosen for personal reasons; a view that his experience in civil affairs somewhat modified. If he had served a third term in the Presidency, his very President who either followed or preceded him. I have, however, no idea that he was planning for re-election thus early; and he certainly never admitted either at the time or afterward that such motives affected him in the selection of Cabinet Ministers. Nevertheless, I thought then, and I think still, that he was determined to have no rivals near the throne. On the 5th of March the Cabinet appointments were sent to the Senate. Washburne was to be Secretary of State; Stewart, Secretar
ays the mentor to caution and urge and stimulate and advise; and sometimes the mentor was needed. I recall an instance in which I contended for a while against Mrs. Sprague, the daughter of Chief-Justice Chase. Everybody in Washington, Cabinet Ministers, foreign envoys, Senators, even the Judges of the Supreme Court, hurried to call on General Grant after his brilliant successes in the war; the ordinary Washington etiquette of visiting was broken down for him. But the Chief-Justice did notent eight months on duty at the Executive Mansion, where, although I was no longer the official secretary, I had my own room and saw him with much of my old intimacy. I revised with him and for him his first annual message to Congress, and Cabinet Ministers came to me to have passages inserted which they did not venture themselves to propose. Thus I watched the growth of the new manner. I observed a greater dignity of feeling, a conscious and intentional gravity, an absence of that familiar,
ant at that juncture in affairs at home and at the same time forced him to carry out Seward's policy in Mexico. But though, as I have said, Grant never got over his dislike of Seward's course, either in the Mexican matter or in the general policy of the Administration, Seward was determined not to quarrel with Grant. He was never personally conspicuous in the stratagems which Grant was obliged to contest, and even at the crisis of the relations between Grant and Johnson, when other Cabinet Ministers ranged themselves on the side of the President, Seward contrived to write a letter not entirely unsatisfactory to his chief, while yet he refrained from giving the lie to Grant. Thus their relations, although after this period never intimate, were not absolutely interrupted. Some of Seward's admirers even proposed to Grant, when he became President-elect, to invite Seward to remain in the State Department, but he never entertained the idea I remember a dinner at the house of Mr. T
rse. A few days after the 4th of March, the new President invited Grant to say if there were any personal friends in office whom he would like to have retained. Grant named about half a dozen, among them his brother-in-law, Mr. Cramer, the Minister to Denmark. My own name as Consul-General at London was also mentioned. These requests Mr. Hayes religiously observed, though in my case, at least, great pressure was brought to induce him to break his pledge. My place was wanted by two Cabinet Ministers for their own friends, and was actually offered to Chester A. Arthur, then collector at New York, by Sherman, the Secretary of the Treasury. Arthur declined it, and I never heard that Sherman's offer was authorized by Hayes. Mr. Sherman, however, was under no obligation to me, nor indeed to General Grant, beyond that which every citizen of the country shared. The new Administration showed Grant all proper civilities during his stay abroad. Naval vessels were placed at his disposa