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Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Xxxi. The forces in conflict. (search)
re never for one moment misled or confused by the Confederates' pretensions as to reserved rights and constitutional liberty. Their instinct at once recognized their deadly foe through all his specious disguises. Men who had, as conspirators and revolutionists, been tenanting by turns the dungeons and dodging the gibbets of Divine right from boyhood, repudiated with loathing any affiliation with this rebellion; and no word of cheer ever reached the ears of its master-spirits from Kossuth, Mazzini, Victor Hugo, Ledru Rollin, Louis Blanc, Garibaldi, or any other of those who, defying the vengeance of despots, have consecrated their lives and sacrificed personal enjoyment to the championship of the Rights of Man. III. The Confederates had vastly the advantage in the familiarity of their people with the use of arms, A Southern gentleman, writing from Augusta, Ga., in February, 1861, said: Nine-tenths of our youth go constantly armed; and the common use of deadly weapons is qu
Frank Preston Stearns, Cambridge Sketches, Leaves from a Roman diary: February, 1869 (Rewritten in 1897） (search)
he young Augustus. Three busts in a row. I think there may be something of the fox, or rather of the crow, in his composition, but his face has the wholeness of expression which shows a sound and healthy mind,--not a patchwork character. I was pleased to hear that he was originally a liberal; and the first, after the long conservative reaction of Metternich, to introduce reforms in the states of the Church. The Revolution of 1848 followed too quickly, and the extravagant proceedings of Mazzini and Garibaldi drove him into the ranks of the conservatives, where he has remained ever since. Carlyle compared him to a man who had an old tin-kettle which he thought he would mend, but as soon as he began to tinker it the thing went to pieces in his hands. The Revolution of 1848 proved an unpractical experiment, but it opened the way for Victor Emanuel and a more sound liberalism in 1859. We attended service at the Sistine Chapel yesterday in company with two young ladies from Phila
John Harrison Wilson, The life of Charles Henry Dana, Chapter 28: closing period (search)
of the three Americas desire their success. Let foreign domination upon this side of the Atlantic be brought to an end forever. America for Americans! And thus it was ever with this patriotic editor. He was the friend and supporter of the oppressed and downtrodden of every race and country. The misgoverned and overtaxed colonists, not less than those who suffered wrong at home, counted with absolute certainty upon Dana's sympathy and support. He had been the friend of Kossuth, of Mazzini, and of Garibaldi. He had pleaded in turn for a Democratic republic in France, for a free and united Germany, for the independence of Hungary, for home rule in Ireland, and for the consolidation and enfranchisement of Italy, and naturally, when he sent greetings to the Cubans, they hailed him as a friend who would stand with them to the last. They looked confidently to him for guidance and assistance, as well as for the creation of a sentiment in their behalf throughout the United States
John Harrison Wilson, The life of Charles Henry Dana, Index (search)
ant--Colonel, 242. McIntosh, General, 344, 373. McKinley, bill, 475; William, 293, 492. McMichael, Morton, 62. Macon, 343, 355, 361. McPherson, General, 222, 223, 227, 244-246, 251. Macready riots, 97. Manassas, 172. Manifest Destiny, 125,133, 402. Marat, President French Assembly, 78, 88. March to the Sea, 300, 355. Marriage of Dana, 58. Marti, Jose, tribute to, 498. Mason, Senator, 153. Maximilian, 398. Maynard, Horace, 288. Maynardier, Major, 351. Mazzini, 497. Meade, General, 249, 251, 310, 320, 323, 325, 326, 328, 330, 332-334, 336, 342, 348, 356, 361, 367. Meigs, General, 303. Memphis, 191, 192, 195, 204-206, 225, 256, 267, 301. Merritt, General, 366. Mexico, 114, 133. Middle Military Division, 343. Miles, General, 359, 364, 365. Military Division of the Mississippi, 268, 276, 297. Milliken's Bend, 201, 212, 216, 235, 243, 267. Mills bill, 475. Mill Spring, battle of, 189, 282. Missionary Ridge, battle of, 250, 257,
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 2, Daniel O'Connell (1875.) (search)
rey, Ireland sank back, plundered and helpless. O'Connell lifted her to a fixed and permanent place in English affairs,--no suppliant, but a conqueror dictating her terms. This is the proper standpoint from which to look at O'Connell's work. This is the consideration that ranks him, not with founders of States, like Alexander, Caesar, Bismarck, Napoleon, and William the Silent, but with men who, without arms, by force of reason, have revolutionized their times,--with Luther, Jefferson, Mazzini, Samuel Adams, Garrison, and Franklin. I know some men will sneer at this claim,--those who have never looked at him except through the spectacles of English critics, who despised him as an Irishman and a Catholic, until they came to hate him as a conqueror. As Grattan said of Kirwan, The curse of Swift was upon him, to have been born an Irishman and a man of genius, and to have used his gifts for his country's good. Mark what measure of success attended the able men who preceded him, in
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Women and Men, chapter 25 (search)
and even as to that such a phrase would seem too fulsome for truth. For although this post involves far more of direct personal power than do most thrones, yet it has no permanence; it is held by a four years lease, after which the occupant reverts to the ranks of common men. By our theory the President himself is the servant of the people, or, as the present incumbent has expressed it, public office is a public trust. The question has been seriously raised by European reformers, such as Mazzini and Louis Blanc, whether the same trust could not more fitly be exercised by the mere chairman of a committee, and Mr. M. D. Conway has of late revived this theory. Surely the phrase exalted station is too extravagant for a function thus temporary and derivative; and setting the President aside, there is no one else among us on whose position it could be fitly bestowed. We can recognize the exaltation of a great public character, but hardly of a station. For there is no station which any
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Women and Men, chapter 60 (search)
his own emotions beneath a veil. Of the three kings of the American lecture platform in our own day, two at least-Phillips and Gough-admitted that they never appeared before an audience without a certain shrinking and self-distrust. It must be owned that this quality is not everywhere connected with conspicuous leadership, especially outside of the Anglo-Saxon or Anglo-American race. It is difficult to associate it, for instance, with Victor lingo, with Bismarck, with Garibaldi-although Mazzini must have had it, and it was most visible and lovable in Tourguenieff, as I can personally testify. But enough has been said to show that the Ignore delicate graces of character, so far as they are founded upon modesty and a spirit of self-withdrawal, are consistent with the most eminent and acknowledged greatness before the world. If this is the case even with men, why not with women, in whom the source and spring of humility lies deeper? If this be true, there is no reason to fear th
Bliss Perry, The American spirit in lierature: a chronicle of great interpreters, Chapter 5: the Knickerbocker group (search)
nor poetry, but excellent good sense, and accurate information, on whatever subject transpired; a very pleasant man to associate with, but rather cold, I should imagine, if one should seek to touch his heart with one's own. Such was the impression Bryant made upon less gifted men than Hawthorne, as he lived out his long and useful life in the Ktiickerbocker city. Toward the close of it he was in great demand for public occasions; and it was after delivering a speech dedicating a statue to Mazzini in Central Park in 1878, when Bryant was eightyfour, that a fit of dizziness caused a fall which proved fatal to the venerable poet. It was just seventy years since Dr. Peter Bryant had published his boy's verses on The Embargo. Although Bryant's poetry has never roused any vociferous excitement, it has enduring qualities. The spiritual preoccupations of many a voiceless generation of New England Puritans found a tongue at last in this late-born son of theirs. The determining mood of
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 12: Kossuth.—1852. (search)
was to land in England. W. H. Ashurst wrote to Mr. Garrison on October 13, 1851, that a common friend, of Lib. 21.179. weight, had put in his hands for Kossuth Ashurst was a particular friend of the Italian patriots of the revolutionary era. I spent a part of a day last summer at his house at Muswell Hill, wrote Elizabeth Pease to Mr. Garrison on July 9, 1852, which brought vividly before me the happy evening we passed there in 1840 [cf. ante, 2: 377, 390]. I had the treat of meeting Mazzini—a truly great man as he appears in his present position, and I cannot but entertain the hope that he would stand the test of a visit to America, though Kossuth has proved so fearfully recreant to principle (Ms. and Lib. 22: [123]). See the pointing of this contrast after Kossuth's return to England in Lib. 24: 113, 125, 126. a packet describing with faithfulness and correctness the true state of the slave question in the States. On November 4, James Haughton sent through Charles Gilpin a
The writings of John Greenleaf Whittier, Volume 7. (ed. John Greenleaf Whittier), Zzz Missing head (search)
ference to their ecclesiastical or sectarian bearings. Had I been a Catholic instead of a Protestant, I should have hailed every symptom of Roman deliverance from Papal rule, occupying, as I have, the standpoint of a republican radical, desirous that all men, of all creeds, should enjoy the civil liberty which I prized so highly for myself. I lost all confidence in the French republic of 1849, when it forfeited its own right to exist by crushing out the newly formed Roman republic under Mazzini and Garibaldi. From that hour it was doomed, and the expiation of its monstrous crime is still going on. My sympathies are with Jules Favre and Leon Gambetta in their efforts to establish and sustain a republic in France, but I confess that the investment of Paris by King William seems to me the logical sequence of the bombardment of Rome by Oudinot. And is it not a significant fact that the terrible chassepot, which made its first bloody experiment upon the half. armed Italian patriots
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