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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 58: the battle-flag resolution.—the censure by the Massachusetts Legislature.—the return of the angina pectoris. —absence from the senate.—proofs of popular favor.— last meetings with friends and constituents.—the Virginius case.—European friends recalled.—1872-1873. (search)
and ink, I get the first report of J. S. Mills's autobiography. The revelations of his precocious life surprise me. Here he is another Pascal, but without the faith of the Frenchman. Among the letters in your book, those of the historian to Lewis (p. 202) and of Hallam (pp. 164-169) are most scholarly. It is pleasant to think that G. G. succeeded H. H. as trustee of the British Museum. The latter once told me that early in life his two special objects of ambition were to be a bencher of the inn where he studied, and a trustee of the British Museum. I was interested in the efforts of the historian to obtain for Lewis a copy of the works of Saint-Pierre. Four years before I had imported from Paris a complete set,—more than twenty-five volumes. While with Tocqueville I enjoyed touch a visit to the old ancestral home of Saint-Pierre, some five or six miles from Tocqueville, in a thick wood, gridironed with roads and paths. Ante, vol. III. p. 548. This reminds me of your r
George Ticknor, Life, letters and journals of George Ticknor (ed. George Hillard), Chapter 23: (search)
kes everything clear, as measured by some recognized principle. See what he says about Lord Shelburne's career, and especially what he says about Fox's mistake in joining Lord North. I do not know anything like it in political history. Romilly and Horner had a good deal of the same character; but, though they came to as fair and honest results as anybody, they were both practising lawyers, and preserved something of the air of advocates, in the form and turn of their discussions. Perhaps Lewis might have had the same air if he had been in the courts, and had had clients to conciliate as well as to serve. As it is, we get, I think, in him only a sort of clear, judicial statesmanship, of which—very likely because I know so little of political history—I can refer to no other example. How is it? . . . . To Brigadier-General Sylvanus Thayer. Boston, April 29, 1864. my dear General,—I can't help it this once. Next time it shall be My dear Thayer, as of old. But to-day you mus<
The Daily Dispatch: April 11, 1862., [Electronic resource], article 22 (search)
reat Britain. The proceedings in Parliament on the 20th were unimportant. Mr. Layard, in the House of Commons, answered some inquiries relative to the Italian "Provediments" Committee, but thought it inconsistent with the dignity of the Italian Government for English Ministers to lay papers relative to the affair before Parliament. In the House of Commons on the 20th, Mr. Baxter opposed the expenditure on fortifications in the colonies, except at great naval stations. Sir G. C. Lewis thought the defence of the colonies was partly a colonial and partly a military question. At the present moment there were two great nations, which had subject to their rule as large a portion of the globe as they could well govern, viz; Great Britain and the United States. America had adopted the principle of centralization.--England took a different course. It had even local legislation, and did profess to bring its colonies within direct rang of the central Government. It was ass
The Daily Dispatch: April 25, 1862., [Electronic resource], European news. (search)
unimportant. In the House of Commons, Sir F. Smith called attention to the engagement between the Monitor and Merrimac, and urged the consideration of future prospects of defensive warfare. He urged the favor of small vessels, like the Monitor, in preference to stationary forts, and advocated the cessation of work on fortifications and the construction of iron gunboats or batteries instead. A general debate ensued, most of the speakers opposing outlay on fortifications. Sir G. C. Lewis and Lord C. Paget, on behalf of the Government, warned the House against hasty action and the enormous expense this revolution in naval warfare would entail. They questioned whether the Merrimac and Monitor had thrown any new fight on the subject, and thought forts could be made to maintain their superiority. They believed artillery could be made to crush these iron vessels. It would not do to proceed hastily, without further experience, but the Government would watch the question ca
The Daily Dispatch: April 28, 1862., [Electronic resource], article 4 (search)
The naval revolution in England.the contest between iron and cannon.efforts of the British Admiralty.what the British Government is doing.[correspondence of the Manchester Guardian.] London, April 8. --The change of tone in the loading members of the Government on the subject of armor- plated ships, has not come a moment too soon, and has given a satisfaction as general as the dissatisfaction with the language of its former organs, Sir G. C. Lewis and Lord Clarence Paget. The Duke of Somerset, who unites many qualities of an excellent man of business with some of the most repellent personal peculiarities that ever raised a barrier about a Government official, did a good deal to remove the effect of Lord Clarence Paget's ill-advised language, and Lord Palmerston, by his acquiescence in Mr. Bernal Osborne's motion, has completed the good work of re-assuring the nation. The feeling that it would be monstrous to press on our enormous expenditure of brick and mortar and ston
The Daily Dispatch: November 7, 1862., [Electronic resource], Later from Europe---speeches of English Statesmen. (search)
neutrality, and had abstained from giving direct or indirect countenance or assistance to either of the belligerent parties. [Hear, hear.] It had been said that great complaints had been made by the Government at Washington that the Government of England had not maintained this strict neutrality, because it had recognized the South as a belligerent power, and it had been said that by recognizing the South as a belligerent power we had departed from a strict line of neutrality. Now he (Sir G. C. Lewis) could not but think that if any impartial person reflected on the course of this unhappy contest he would come to the conclusion that no word of the English language would apply with greater aptitude to the Southern States than the word "belligerent." Here parties had combined for the purpose of carrying on a war, and when they looked to the number of armed men they had raised, when they looked to the large armies they had brought into the field, to the ability of the Generals by whom
The Daily Dispatch: November 14, 1862., [Electronic resource], From Northern Virginia. (search)
stant have been received. Gen. McClellan has been removed, and Burnside is in command of the Army of the Potomac. The reasons for this are, McClellan's refusal to advance and the Harper's Ferry commission having censured him in their official report. The Scotia has arrived, with Lord Lyons and Simon Cameron among the passengers. No Cabinet council was held in England, as summoned, on the 23d of October. It was postponed indefinitely on the morning of the 23d. The London Times says that Sir G. C. Lewis expressed the opinion of the English Government. The communication of the French Minister related to matters at New Orleans, and was not likely to lead to any complications. "Ion," the Washington correspondent of the Baltimore Sun, says that Lord Lyons will visit Richmond in ten days. Caffieron thinks there will be intervention by the meeting of Parliament. He says that the Confederates are getting a feet ready in English ports to attack New York.
The Daily Dispatch: November 15, 1862., [Electronic resource], Latest from the North. (search)
of October was postponed on the morning of the meeting. All the members except Lord Palmerston came to attend it. The Times says there are two interpretations given why the meeting was not held, one that there is a division in the Cabinet, Sir G. C. Lewis representing one party, and Hon. Mr. Gladstone the other. But the Times thinks the true solution is, that Sir G. C. Lewis expresses the opinion of the whole Cabinet, and whilst England regrets the shedding of blood, she does not mean to intSir G. C. Lewis expresses the opinion of the whole Cabinet, and whilst England regrets the shedding of blood, she does not mean to interfere. This opinion is confirmed by the Naval and Shipping Gazette, of Liverpool. Lord Lyons, though returning uninstructed, is fully advised as to the views of the British Cabinet. "Ion," of the Baltimore Sun, says that Lord Lyons will visit Richmond within ten days after his arrival at Washington. The English papers seem to be exercised at the blockade established by Com. Wilkes over the Bermuda ports, and Admiral Milne is instructed to increase his fleet at that station. The
The Daily Dispatch: November 15, 1862., [Electronic resource], From Northern Virginia. (search)
Elmont Cameron, that the subject of mediation or intervention will be brought forward on the first day of the approaching session of the British Parliament, we nevertheless see grave reason to doubt in the assumption of the London Times that Sir G. C. Lewis, the War Secretary, spoke the mind of the Cabinet in the speech which we published last week. It is true, the doctrine enunciated by him is directly opposed to the late practice of the British Government. That Government adopted the Americing pretty accurately, before speaking out upon any important question, what that opinion may be. The Times has spoken of us, of late, in the most flattering terms, but has constantly sustained the ministerial policy of absolute neutrality. Secretary Lewis himself, and every member of the Cabinet who has been heard from, except Mr. Gladstone, speak very much the same language. For the English people, there can be no doubt that their feelings are all in our favor. But is it not possible that
The Daily Dispatch: December 9, 1862., [Electronic resource], article 11 (search)
he Rev. William Protheroe, rector of Whippingham, the office of bridesmaids being sustained by the younger Princesses and the Duke of Saxe Coburg giving the bride away. Her majesty was present at the ceremony, and among the company were the Grand Ducal family of Hesse, the Duchess of Cambridge, Princess Mary and the Duke of Cambridge his Serene Highn as the Prince of Saxe Coburg Gotha, the Duchess of Wellington, the Lord Chancellor, Karl Granville, Viscount Palmerston, Sir George Grey, Sir G. C. Lewis, Earl Russell, the Hon. C. P. Villiers, etc. After the ceremony the wedding presents were inspected Prominent among these were those offered by he Duchess of Athol, the Maharajah Dhuleop Singh, and the Countess of Fife. The Duchess of Athol's present was a Presse Papier, the base formed from a piece of green variegated marble, from Blair Athol, mounted with mouldings of oak leaves and scorns having on one side, in relief, the arms of Price Louis of Hesse and her Royal Highness's a