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Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Xvi. The era of Slave-hunting. (search)
decision, judges in determining the question of authority would probably be concluded. But, in a popular discussion of the propriety of a law, with a view to its repeal or modification, I suppose we are at liberty to believe in opposition to a decision of the Supreme Court. Even the executive and legislative departments deny its authority to bind them. The Supreme Court decided that the Alien and Sedition Law was constitutional, and Matthew Lyon was imprisoned under it. The President, Mr. Jefferson, decided that it was not, and pardoned Mr. Lyon. The Supreme Court decided that Congress could constitutionally charter a Bank of the United States, and that the propriety and necessity of doing so were to be judged by Congress. The President, Gen. Jackson, decided that such an act was unconstitutional, and vetoed it. With these examples before me, I feel authorized to express the opinion which I entertain, that the Fugitive Slave Act is unconstitutional, because Congress has no power
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 17 (search)
mistaken. And, therefore, you must see that, if this sectional party succeeds, it leads inevitably to the destruction of this beautiful fabric, reared by our forefathers, cemented by their blood, and bequeathed to us as a priceless inheritance. This speech is memorable not merely for its gross misapprehension of the grounds and motives of the Republican movement — representing its purposes as violent, aggressive, and sectional, when they date back to 1784, and trace their paternity to Jefferson, a Southron and a slaveholder — but because this was the first declaration by a Northern statesman of mark that the success of the Republicans would not only incite, but justify, a Southern rebellion. The facts that the National Republicans, in 1828, supported John Q. Adams and Richard Rush — both from Free States--while their antagonists supported Andrew Jackson and John C. Calhoun, both slaveholders, and thus secured nearly every elector from the Slave States, are conveniently ignored b<
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 18 (search)
ent, had been excluded from civilized Governments and the family of nations, and doomed to Slavery. They spoke and acted according to the then established doctrines and principles, and in the ordinary language of the day, and no one misunderstood them. The unhappy black race were separated from the white by indelible marks, and laws long before established, and were never thought of or spoken See, in refutation of this, the views of Henry Laurens, Dr. Hopkins, La Fayette. Washington, Jefferson, etc., as quoted in the earlier chapters of this work. of except as property, and when the claims of the owner or the profit of the trader were supposed to need protection. This state of public opinion had, undergone no change when the Constitution was adopted, as is equally evident from its provisions and language. Mr. Taney here deliberately asserts that the unhappy black race were never thought of or spoken of except as property, before and when the Constitution was adopted, as i
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 19 (search)
Xix. Our foreign policy—Cuba. Treaty with France Washington Jefferson the Monroe doctrine the Panama Congress secret intrigues for the acquisition passion, and under circumstances of great difficulty and embarrassment. But Jefferson, Madison, George Clinton, Gerry, and their associate founders of the Republicwing host that, in due time, ousted the Federalists from power, by electing Mr. Jefferson to the Presidency. But Mr. Jefferson himself never shared in the blind pMr. Jefferson himself never shared in the blind passions by which he so largely profited. An earnest and unchanging devotee of cheap, simple, and frugal government, he profoundly realized that wars were costly, anents, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. President Jefferson, in his Inaugural Address in 1801, warned the country against entanglingiances. This expression, now become proverbial, was unquestionably used by Mr. Jefferson in reference to the alliance with France of 1778--an alliance, at the time,
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 20 (search)
if you can possibly avoid it; but, if it is necessary to take life in order to save your own, then make sure work of it. Harper's Ferry was then a village of some five thousand inhabitants, lying on the Virginia side of the Potomac, and on either side of its principal tributary, the Shenandoah, which here enters it from the South. Its site is a mere nest or cup among high, steep mountains; the passage of the united rivers through the Blue Ridge at this point having been pronounced by Jefferson a spectacle which one might well cross the Atlantic to witness and enjoy. Here the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad crosses the Potomac; and the rich valley of the Shenandoah is traversed, for a considerable distance hence, by the Winchester and Harper's Ferry Railroad. Washington is fifty-seven miles distant by turnpike; Baltimore eighty miles by railroad. Modest as the village then was, space had been with difficulty found for its habitations, some of which were perched upon ground four hu
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Xxiii. peace efforts at the North. (search)
tious spirit, born in slaveholding Kentucky, but now resident in free Illinois, who held, with Jefferson and nearly all our Revolutionary sages and patriots, that Human Slavery is an evil which ought of happiness, been stigmatized as Sectionalism? Had not a simple adhesion to the policy of Jefferson and the fathers, as to Slavery in the Territories, been denounced as Radicalism, and as makingven if the Constitution is to be regarded as nothing more than a compact, it is evident — as Mr. Jefferson observed, Letter to Col. Carrington, April 4, 1787. in speaking of our old Articles of Coalue of the Union debatable, we maintain their perfect right to discuss it. Nay: we hold, with Jefferson, to the inalienable right of communities to alter or abolish forms of government that have becor the Union was lost. Here is his statement and condemnation of the policy inaugurated by Thomas Jefferson: The inexorable exclusion of slave property from the common territories, which tho Gove
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 26 (search)
all the agitating questions relating to our peculiar institution — African Slavery as it exists among us — the proper status of the negro in our form of civilization. This was the immediate cause of the late rupture and the present revolution. Jefferson, in his forecast, had anticipated this, as the rock upon which the old Union would split. He was right. What was conjecture with him is now a realized fact. But whether lie comprehended the great truth upon which that rock stood and stands, No one imagines that a decision by that Court that Slavery had no right to enter the territories would have been regarded and treated by the South as the end of controversy on that point. See Mr. John Van Buren on this point, page 213. For Mr. Jefferson's views, see pages 83-4; for Gen. Jackson's, see pages 104-6. But, having obtained, in the Dred Scott case, an opinion that slaveholders might take their human chattels to any territory, and there hold them, claiming ample protection from the
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 29 (search)
rinciples, not recklessly to be abandoned. The policy adopted by Mr. Lincoln, as set forth in his Proclamation and his speech to the Virginia Commissioners, is, on the whole, approved by the masses of the community. It cannot harm the North eventually; and, if the damage it may inflict upon the South is to be regretted. it will be none the less well, if it secures final peace to the country. That those who for years had zealously maintained that a simple adherence to the policy of Jefferson with regard to the exclusion of Slavery from the territories was an unwarranted and unjustifiable war upon the South, impelled by fanaticism and sectional hate, should, by the mere crashing of a few balls against the walls of a Federal fortress, be converted to an entirely different view of the past and present attitude of the combatants, was not to be expected. That the hated Abolitionists were the real, responsible, culpable authors of the long foreseen and deeply deplored collision,
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Xxxi. The forces in conflict. (search)
slatures of [1798 and] 1799, and that it adopts those principles as constituting one of the main foundations of its political creed. and that the whole country had ratified this committal by large majorities, in the reelection as President of Mr. Jefferson, in the first election of Mr. Madison, and in the election of Gen. Pierce. Assuming this as a basis, Mr. Davis had no difficulty in convincing those whom he more immediately addressed, that, for his confederates to surprise, capture, or otheregarding Slavery as just and beneficent. And what it thus boldly and reasonably demanded it naturally and generally secured. There were slaveholders of the Revolutionary school — relics of the era or inheritors of the faith of Washington and Jefferson — who repudiated Secession and clung to the Union; but there was not an earnest devotee of human chattelhood — whether in the South or in the North--whether in America or in Europe — whether a Tory aristocrat, scorning and fearing the unwashed
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Xxxii. West Virginia. (search)
ginian, whether native-born or adopted, will refuse to defend his State and his brothers against invasion and injury. Virginians! be true; and, in due time, your common mother will come to your relief. Already, many of you have rallied to the support of the honor of your State, and the maintenance of your liberties. Will you continue to be freemen, or will you submit to be slaves? Will you allow the people of other States to govern youth Have you forgotten the precepts of Madison and Jefferson? The omission of Washington's name here is most appropriate and significant. Remember that the price of liberty is eternal vigilance. Virginia has not made war. War has been made upon her and her time-honored principles. Shall she be vindicated in her efforts to maintain the liberties of her people or shall she bow her head in submission to tyranny and oppression? It seems to me that the true friend of rational liberty cannot hesitate. Strike for your State! Strike for your liberti
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