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Edward Alfred Pollard, The lost cause; a new Southern history of the War of the Confederates ... Drawn from official sources and approved by the most distinguished Confederate leaders. 14 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 32. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 14 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 9. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 14 0 Browse Search
Col. J. Stoddard Johnston, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 9.1, Kentucky (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 14 0 Browse Search
Benjamin Cutter, William R. Cutter, History of the town of Arlington, Massachusetts, ormerly the second precinct in Cambridge, or District of Menotomy, afterward the town of West Cambridge. 1635-1879 with a genealogical register of the inhabitants of the precinct. 14 0 Browse Search
John Esten Cooke, Wearing of the Gray: Being Personal Portraits, Scenes, and Adventures of War. 12 0 Browse Search
Benjamnin F. Butler, Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin Butler 12 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 19. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 12 0 Browse Search
James Redpath, The Roving Editor: or, Talks with Slaves in the Southern States. 12 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, The new world and the new book 12 0 Browse Search
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Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 20: commencement of civil War. (search)
hus consecrated. Subscriptions for arms and accouterments poured in, and an emissary was dispatched northward, post-haste, to get the requisites. Regarding the whole matter as a lively pastime in prospect, many of the companies prepared to dress in costly attire, and bear the most expensive rifles; but those who knew better than they what kind of an entertainment the Southern youth were invited to, gave them some sound lessons at the beginning. The young gentlemen of your company, wrote Jefferson Davis to a Mississippi captain, must be thoroughly infused with the idea that their services will prove to be in hardships and dangers; the commonest material, therefore, will be the most desirable; and as for arms, we must be content with what we have; the enemy will come superabundantly provided with all things that money and ingenuity can devise. We must learn to supply ourselves from them. He recommended that all volunteers should be dressed in gray flannels and light blue cotton pan
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Josiah's Jaunt. (search)
European-and-Old-Dominion steamers — Josiah, in his note to Governor Letcher, considerately promised to send free tickets for all, or nearly all the journey from Richmond to Boston, leaving the gratuitous cock-tails and juleps to the care of the Mayor of Boston, after the arrival of the way-worn and thirsty pilgrims. In this amiable letter, the enterprising Josiah dwelt in an eloquent way upon a variety of topics, and notably upon the warm friendship of the sage of Monticello (meaning Thomas Jefferson) for the sage of Quincy (meaning John Adams). Wherefore, in order that common friendship may be made strong and mutual confidence greatly increased, Josiah mentions the fact of the free tickets, and reiterates seductively his request: Will you come and take tea in the arbor? Now, when this polite summons, so festively different from the subpoenas which Virginia is wont to send to Massachusetts, was received by the Hon. John Letcher, he seems to have been either frightened or delighte
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Ready-made Unity and the Society for its Promotion. (search)
e is the proposition. What follows? That to secure these rights, governments are instituted. Not rights for government, but government for rights, higher, holier than the government itself. Government is secondary to right — that is what Thomas Jefferson meant to say, and did say, with a clearness which no guess nor gloss can obscure. Then see how these new Unitarians dishonestly — yes, that is the word; we shall not change it — dishonestly muddle the great charter! Men are created free the Fathers meant by using that word to refer to the more doubtful sentiment of the French school. What is this doubtful sentiment? Why are not Messrs. Morse, Winslow and Bliss a little more explicit? Why do they undertake to slander, not Thomas Jefferson who had Gallic proclivities, but such a man as John Adams, who hated French politics and French reforms? It would not have been altogether safe for Mr. Samuel J. B. Morse to have told John Adams that the Declaration to which he had delibera<
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Davis a Despot. (search)
limb as great as that of the Russian nobility over their serfs in the days of Peter the Great. Now, the plantation is not by any means a good school in which to acquire a habit of personal obedience, at least on the part of the master. What does a Slaveowner, upon an isolated plantation in Arkansas, care for the authority of a parcel of talking fellows in Richmond? He may fight for Jefferson Davis, if he pleases, but then it is no violent presumption that he may please to fight against Jefferson, and in favor of another man. South Carolina, according to her own favorite political theories, is a member of the Southern Confederacy only during the time of her sovereign will and pleasure. She comes in under protest, and when she sees fit she has, upon her own absurd principles, as good a right to bolt from the government of Davis as from that of Lincoln. Why should n't she? Here is one of her principal newspapers denouncing Davis as a Despot! By what worse name did this Mercury ev
Admiral David D. Porter, The Naval History of the Civil War., Chapter 58: conclusion. (search)
a great nation of people, but certainly not a nation of great people; for, who will call us the latter, when there seems to be such a love of accumulating wealth, without the manly desire to have the means of defending it against the aggressions of any power that may choose to make war upon us? The Government of the United States cannot defend themselves against the weakest naval power, much less against a strong one, and we must, perforce, rely on that old system, so much in vogue in Thomas Jefferson's time, of paying tribute, as we did from 1804 to 1815 to the Barbary powers, to prevent them from preying on our commerce and carrying our citizens to captivity. We had experience enough during the war of the rebellion to satisfy us that there were certain European governments that desired the downfall of the American Union, and it was only by means of an abject compliance with their demands that we escaped war, which would have been the signal of the complete triumph of the South a
James Redpath, The Roving Editor: or, Talks with Slaves in the Southern States., My first trip. (search)
es before answering: Oh, er-r-er-he-he-he-eee I he laughed, I was saying dat de white pop'lation would be maina some remarks on dat ‘ar nigger. Oh! Oh! I answered, old fellow, how can you lie so? Oh no, I isn't massa, said the old jolly-looking slave, as he relapsed into a fit of chuckling, interspersed by ejaculations of very broken English. Are you a slave, old fellow? Oh, yes, massa, said the chuckler. How old are you? Sixty, massa, he replied. I's eighteen when Jefferson war President, and dat war in 1812; I mind ‘bout de war. De rigiments camped on dat hill. I carried de wood for dem. Have you been a slave ever since? Yes, massa, and long afore dat. Would you like to be free? The chuckling laugh was again put in full blast. He seemed to use it for the purpose that young ladies reserve their swoons for — to avoid continuing disagreeable conversation; or, that Senator Douglas uses footpad language on the stump for — to avoid the answering o
James Redpath, The Roving Editor: or, Talks with Slaves in the Southern States., My second trip. (search)
rds italicized are so marked by the orator. Henry Berry's opinion. The third speech, delivered by Henry Berry, of Jefferson, opens in these words: Mr. Speaker: Coming from a county in which there are 4,000 slaves, being myself a slaveholropean Democrats. From Wisconsin to Georgia, I have frequently found men who did not fear to laugh at the doctrines of Jefferson as rhetorical absurdities; but, in the Seaboard Slave States, I have yet to meet the first Southerner who believes thatts the authorities, rights and liberties appertaining to them. Kentucky indorsed this doctrine through the pen of Thomas Jefferson: The several States, so the passage reads, who formed the instrument being sovereign and independent, have the unvereignties, of all unauthorized acts done under color of that instrument is the rightful remedy. As late as 1825, Mr. Jefferson adhered to this doctrine. See his letter to William B. Giles, dated December, 1825. The Southern Quarterly Review
James Redpath, The Roving Editor: or, Talks with Slaves in the Southern States., My third trip. (search)
own, and went on to Charlottesville; instead, as I intended, of going to Richmond, by the nearest route and in the quickest time. Charlottesville. An accident detained me at Charlottesville two days. It is situated in a charming valley — fertile, wooded, watered well — with cultivated bills rising from the plain, and snow-capped misty mountains in the western background. The village, too, is the prettiest, it is said, and one of the most thriving in Virginia. The College founded by Jefferson is situated there. It rained almost incessantly all the time I was there. The soil is exclusively a red stiff clay, which, when the rain subsided for an hour, rendered walking exceedingly unpleasant to attempt, and impossible when tried. Yesterday I left the village for Richmond — distance, about ninety miles. The fare is four dollars, and the time six hours. We passed miles adjoining miles of worn out land, producing only hedge broom, stunted shrubbery and grass, when, by scientific <
William A. Smith, DD. President of Randolph-Macon College , and Professor of Moral and Intellectual Philosophy., Lectures on the Philosophy and Practice of Slavery as exhibited in the Institution of Domestic Slavery in the United States: withe Duties of Masters to Slaves., Lecture I. Introductory remarks on the subject of African slavery in the United States. (search)
hreaten. At an early period in our history, Thomas Jefferson denounced domestic slavery as sinful, per se, whole country. This grossly offensive error of Mr. Jefferson has been more or less diffused through the whole, from time to time, who did not scruple to avow Mr. Jefferson's doctrine, and like him affect to foresee dreadthings, it is in vain to appeal to the fact that Mr. Jefferson, though a profound statesman, and to some extentdly than any communities in the country. Still, Mr. Jefferson's name does not lose its enchantment; and havinghe abstract opinions and sentiments set forth by Mr. Jefferson and the M. E. Church, and which are supposed to that in admitting the great abstract doctrine of Mr. Jefferson, that the principle of African slavery is, per sves, let us free the country, of the dominion of Mr. Jefferson's philosophy, because it is false. In doing thi reach these results: 1. That the philosophy of Jefferson is false, and that the opposite is true, namely, t
William A. Smith, DD. President of Randolph-Macon College , and Professor of Moral and Intellectual Philosophy., Lectures on the Philosophy and Practice of Slavery as exhibited in the Institution of Domestic Slavery in the United States: withe Duties of Masters to Slaves., Lecture II: the abstract principle of the institution of domestic slavery. (search)
er se, the sin of it must be found in the principle is the principle sinful? the principle defined objections to the term submission answered the effect of Mr. Jefferson's doctrine upon many conscientious persons in the Southern States. I now propose to enter directly upon the inquiry, Is the institution of domestic slavery inful, it must be so either in the abstract principle it involves, or in the specific form under which it embodies that principle, or in both. In either case, Mr. Jefferson's doctrine is verified; for if the abstract principle be wrong, then the institution which envelops the principle, and from which it derives its character, is who, though they are not sufficient metaphysicians to detect and expose the error of a conclusion, are sufficiently candid to admit that if the conceded dogma of Jefferson be true, domestic slavery can never be justified in practice by any circumstances whatever; and they have pious feeling enough to prompt them to great hesitation
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