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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 586 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 136 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 126 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 124 0 Browse Search
George Ticknor, Life, letters and journals of George Ticknor (ed. George Hillard) 65 1 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 10 58 0 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 3 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 58 0 Browse Search
Bliss Perry, The American spirit in lierature: a chronicle of great interpreters 56 0 Browse Search
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery. 54 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 8 44 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874.. You can also browse the collection for Thomas Jefferson or search for Thomas Jefferson in all documents.

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C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Fourth: orations and political speeches. (search)
y species of traffic in our fellow-men. Let Jefferson speak for them. His desire for the abolitiohamed of the name which belongs to Franklin, Jefferson and Washington— and which express the idea ta test which would have excluded Washington, Jefferson and Franklin. It applies an arrogant and unof our fathers,—of Washington, Franklin, and Jefferson,—nay. the self-evident truths of the Declaris spoken of, as it found expression through Jefferson, who by his precocious and immortal words ag his fellow-man. He must be a prodigy, says Jefferson, who can retain his manners and morals undepthat it is not going too far to say, that if Jefferson, or Franklin, or Washington could have descee Government. As well might it be said that Jefferson, Franklin, and Washington were sectional, anat Ordinances of Freedom, first suggested by Jefferson, and consecrated by the experience of the Nof American Freedom, Washington, Franklin and Jefferson; and in the words of the first, he concludes[1 more...
tes, and in 1790, only two years after the adoption of the Constitution, addressed a petition to Congress, calling upon them to step to the very verge of the power vested in them for discouraging every species of traffic in our fellow-men. Let Jefferson speak for them. His desire for the abolition of slavery was often expressed with philanthropic warmth and emphasis. Let Washington speak for them. It is among my first wishes, he said, in a letter to John Fenton Mercer, to see some plan ados to stand alone, provided Right is with them. Though every tile were a devil, said Martin Luther, yet will I enter Worms. Such a spirit is needed now by the advocates of Right. They must not be ashamed of the name which belongs to Franklin, Jefferson and Washington— and which express the idea to which they should be devoted—Abolitionist. They must be thorough, uncompromising advocates of the repeal of slavery, of its abolition under the laws and Constitution of the United States. They mus
avery, but a government openly favoring and vindicating it, visiting also with its displeasure all who oppose it. It is during late years that the Slave Power has introduced a new test for office—a test which would have excluded Washington, Jefferson and Franklin. It applies an arrogant and unrelenting ostracism to all who express themselves against Slavery. And now, in the madness of its tyranny, it proposes to extend this curse to new soils not darkened by its presence. It seeks to makve been said. It is a continuance of the American Revolution. It is an effort to carry into effect the principles of the Declaration of Independence, and to revive in the administration of our government the spirit of Washington, Franklin, and Jefferson; to bring back the Constitution to the principles and practice of its early founders; to the end that it shall promote Freedom and not Slavery, and shall be administered in harmony with the spirit of Freedom, and not with the spirit of Slavery.
ancis Adams as Vice-President. On the 22d of August, the same year— 1848—a public meeting was called at Faneuil Hall to ratify the nominations of the Buffalo Convention. Mr. Sumner, as the presiding officer of the meeting, made the following brief, but bold and comprehensive speech: And why, in this nineteenth century, are we assembled here in Faneuil Hall, to vow ourselves to this cause? It is because it is now in danger. The principles of our fathers,—of Washington, Franklin, and Jefferson,—nay. the self-evident truths of the Declaration of Independence,—have been assailed. Our Constitution,—which was the work of the lovers of Freedom,—which was watched by its most devoted champions,—which, like the ark of the covenant, was borne on the shoulders of the early patriarchs of our Israel,—has been prostituted to the uses of Slavery. A body of men, whose principle of union was unknown to the authors of the Constitution, have obtained the control of the government,
a voice could be heard once more from Georgia! The spirit of Virginia is spoken of, as it found expression through Jefferson, who by his precocious and immortal words against slavery, enrolled himself among the earliest Abolitionists of the coues on his own soul, is compelled to share the degradation to which he dooms his fellow-man. He must be a prodigy, says Jefferson, who can retain his manners and morals undepraved by such circumstances. And this is not all. The whole social fabric of its generous supporters—of all who had written or spoken in its behalf—that it is not going too far to say, that if Jefferson, or Franklin, or Washington could have descended from their spheres above, and revisited the country which they had nobirit, whose chief home is at the South, that has obtained the control of the Government. As well might it be said that Jefferson, Franklin, and Washington were sectional, and against the South. It is true that at present a large portion of the p
of slavery had been undermined by Congressional legislation. Without the slave-trade and the lash, slavery itself must fall to the earth. But other measures had passed, which the speaker contemplated only with indignation and disgust. The broad territories of New Mexico and Utah, under the exclusive jurisdiction of Congress, had been organized without any prohibition of slavery. In laying the foundations there, Congress had omitted the great Ordinances of Freedom, first suggested by Jefferson, and consecrated by the experience of the Northwestern Territory. Moreover, a vast territory, larger than all New England, had been taken from New Mexico, and ten million dollars had been given to slave-holding Texas. And still further, as if to do a deed which should make heaven weep, all earth amazed, this same Congress, in disregard of all the cherished safeguards of Freedom, has passed a most cruel, unchristian, devilish law to secure the return into Slavery of those fortunate bon
d into her that breath of liberty which early made her an exampie to her sister States. With me, the union is twice blessed—first, as the powerful guardian of the repose and happiness of thirty-one sovereign States, clasped by the endearing name of country: and next, as the model of that all-embracing federation of States by which unity, peace and concord will finally be organized among the nations. He declares himself fully resolved to oppose any effort to introduce the sectional evil of slavery into Free States. He would follow the example of the great triumvirate of American Freedom, Washington, Franklin and Jefferson; and in the words of the first, he concludes his letter:—I see my duty that in standing up for the liberties of my country, whatever difficulties and discouragements lie in my way, I dare not shrink from it; and I rely on that Being who has not left to us the choice of duties, that while I shall conscientiously discharge mine, I shall not finally lose my rewar
of this good work. In fitful sympathy with Jefferson, was another honored son of Virginia, the Orracter commended it to the sagacious mind of Jefferson, who said: I consider the foundation corner-moment, while I now speak, could Washington, Jefferson, or Franklin once more descend from their spreated generalissimo of the American forces; Jefferson could not have taken his place on the Commitouth as well as the North—leaning at once on Jefferson and Washington—sanctioned by all the authoriSouth, was reminded of the striking words by Jefferson, picturing the influence of Slavery, where her of them among the prodigies described by Jefferson. As they spoke, the Senate Chamber must hav early espoused by Washington, Franklin, and Jefferson, surrounded by the best fathers of the Repub No man with the sentiments of Washington or Jefferson or Franklin finds favor; nor is it too much w sit, Sir,—where once sat John Adams and Thomas Jefferson, —also, where once sat Aaron Burr. I nee[7 more.
. In language now familiar to all, and which can never die, he perpetually denounced Slavery. He exposed its pernicious influences upon master as well as slave; declared that the love of justice and the love of country pleaded equally for the slave, and that the abolition of domestic slavery was the greatest object of desire. He believed that the sacred side was gaining daily recruits, and confidently looked to the young for the accomplishment of this good work. In fitful sympathy with Jefferson, was another honored son of Virginia, the Orator of Liberty, Patrick Henry, who, while confessing that he was a master of slaves, said: I will not, I cannot justify it. However culpable my conduct, I will so far pay my devoir to virtue, as to own the excellence and rectitude of her precepts, and lament my want of conformity to them. At this very period, in the Legislature of Maryland, on a bill for the relief of oppressed slaves, a young man, afterwards by his consummate learning and fore
X. The literature of the land, such as then existed, agreed with the Nation, the Church, and the College. Franklin, in the last literary labor of his life; Jefferson, in his Notes on Virginia; Barlow, in his measured verse; Rush, in a work which inspired the praise of Clarkson; the ingenious author of the Algerine Captive—the earliest American novel, and though now but little known, one of the earliest American books republished in London—were all moved by the contemplation of Slavery. If our fellow-citizens of the Southern States are deaf to the pleadings of nature, the latter exclaims in his work, I will conjure them, for the sake of consistency, to cease to deprive their fellow-creatures of freedom, which their writers, their orators, representatives and senators, and even their Constitution of Government, have declared to be the inalienable birthright of man. A female writer and poet, earliest in our country among the graceful throng, Sarah Wentworth Morton, at the very p