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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 593 9 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 106 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 90 4 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 16. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 46 0 Browse Search
Benjamnin F. Butler, Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin Butler 35 1 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Poetry and Incidents., Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore) 32 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 32 2 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 25. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 31 1 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Poetry and Incidents., Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 29 1 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: June 11, 1862., [Electronic resource] 28 0 Browse Search
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John D. Billings, Hardtack and Coffee: The Unwritten Story of Army Life, I. The tocsin of war. (search)
Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Florida, and Texas, seceded from the Union, and organized what was known as the Southern Confederacy. Virginia, North Carolina, Arkansas, and Tennessee seceded later. The people at the North stood amazed at the rapidity with which treason against the government was spreading, and the loyal Unionloving men began to inquire where President Buchanan was at this time, whose duty it was to see that all such uprisings were crushed out; and Oh for one hour of Andrew Jackson in the President's chair! was the common exclamation, because that decided and unyielding soldierPresi-dent had so promptly stamped out threatened rebellion in South Carolina, when she had refused to allow the duties to be collected at Charleston. But that outbreak in its proportions was to this one as an infant to a giant, and it is quite doubtful if Old Hickory himself, with his promptness to act in an emergency, could have stayed the angry billows of rebellion which seemed just read
tack, 96-97,110,113-19 Harpers Ferry, 287 Harrison's Landing, Va., 51,356-57 Hatcher's Run, Va., 308,313,392 Hazen, William B., 406 Heintzelman, Samuel P., 265 Hesser, Theodore, 311 Hinks, E. W., 29 Hinson, Joseph, 405 Holmes, Oliver Wendell, 26 Hood, John B., 400,406 Hooker, Joseph, 71, 257, 259-62, 331,338-40 Hospitals, 298-303,308 Hough, John, 263 Howard, Oliver O., 406 Huts, 56-58, 73-89 Ingalls, Rufus, 359,371-72, 375 Irwin, B. J. D., 301 Jackson, Andrew, 18 Jackson, Thomas J., 71 Jeffersonville, Ind., 121 Johnston, Joseph E., 340 Jonahs, 90-94 Jones, Edward F., 36 Kearney, Philip, 254-57 Kelly's Ford, Va., 315 Kenesaw Mountain, 400,404 Kingston, Ga., 400 Lee, Robert E., 198, 291-92,331, 362,367 Letterman, Jonathan, 303,305 Lewis' milk, 125 Lice, 80-82 Lincoln, Abraham, 15-16,18-20, 22, 34, 42, 44-45, 60, 71, 157, 162, 198,250,253,315 Longstreet, James, 296,403 Logan, John, 262-63 Long Island, Mas
Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buell, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War: The Opening Battles. Volume 1., War preparations in the North. (search)
on the railway train with David Tod, then an active Democratic politician, but afterward one of our loyal war governors, the conversation turned on the action of the convention which had just adjourned. Mr. Tod and I were personal friends and neighbors, and I freely expressed my surprise that the convention should have committed itself to what must be interpreted as a threat of insurrection in the North, if the Administration should, in opposing secession by force, follow the example of Andrew Jackson, in whose honor they had assembled. He rather vehemently reasserted the substance of the resolution, saying that we Republicans would find the 200,000 Ohio Democrats in front of us, if we attempted to cross the Ohio River. My answer was, We will give up the contest if we cannot carry your 200,000 over the heads of you leaders. The result proved how hollow the party assertions had been, or, perhaps, I should say, how superficial was the hold of such doctrines upon the mass of men in
Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buell, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War: The Opening Battles. Volume 1., The first year of the War in Missouri. (search)
tional Union men of the State; while the St. Louis Republican, Sterling Price, Hamilton R. Gamble, James S. Rollins, William A. Hall, and John B. Clark consolidated the conservatives, and together these elected on the 18th of February a Convention not one member of which would say that he was in favor of the secession of Missouri. To the courage, moderation, and tact of Francis P. Blair this result was greatly due. Blair was just forty years of age. His father, the trusted friend of Andrew Jackson, had taken him to Washington City when he was about seven years old, and there he had been bred in politics. In 1843 he had come to St. Louis, where his brother Montgomery was already practicing law. For that profession, to which he too had been educated, Frank had no taste, and, having in it no success, quickly turned his attention to politics. In 1852 he was elected to the Legislature as a Benton Democrat. Shortly afterward he and B. Gratz Brown established the St. Louis Democrat.
Fitzhugh Lee, General Lee, Chapter 10: Sharpsburg and Fredericksburg. (search)
in his opinion, who had ever lived-St. Paul and Andrew Jackson; but he took such a fancy to Burnside, when he to the day of his death, he drank to St. Paul, Andrew Jackson, and A. E. Burnside. This officer conceivedFredericksburg with the remainder of his corps, and Jackson, who had been moved to Orange Court House, was, abreet, and not for nine days afterward did he direct Jackson to unite with him. He knew a large army changing itsive, decisive results would follow, and so thought Jackson; but an unwillingness to give up more of the countrmy was divided into two corps, under Longstreet and Jackson, Longstreet being on the left. Anderson's divisionStoneman's Third Corps was attempting to overthrow Jackson, who lay in his front with thirty thousand men in a considered a precursor to something more serious. Jackson was much pleased at the result on his front. He apn more equal terms. The popular notion that General Jackson wanted to move on the Federals after their repu
Fitzhugh Lee, General Lee, Index. (search)
Humphreys, General, mentioned, 218, 230, 389. Hunt, General Henry J., 290. Hunter, General, David, mentioned, 341, 351, 405. Hunter, R. M. T., mentioned, 12. Imboden, General, at Gettysburg, 300. Invasion of Virginia, 99. Jackson, Andrew, mentioned, 17; toast to, 222. Jackson, General Thomas J., notice of, 47; mentioned, 133, 135, 137, 140, 141, 144, 153, 155, 157, 165, 177, 181, 186, 187, 190, 191, 201, 209, 211, 224, 228, 232, 245, 246; his last note, 249; last words, 2Jackson, General Thomas J., notice of, 47; mentioned, 133, 135, 137, 140, 141, 144, 153, 155, 157, 165, 177, 181, 186, 187, 190, 191, 201, 209, 211, 224, 228, 232, 245, 246; his last note, 249; last words, 252; death at Chancellorsville, 252; last order, 252. Jackson, General H. R., 118, 123. Jefferson, Thomas, 6, 10, 32. Jenkins's cavalry brigade, 263, 265; at Gettysburg, 297. Jesup, General Thomas S., 134. Johnson, General, Bushrod, mentioned, 347. Johnson, General, Edward, 116, 143; captured, 335. Johnson, Marmaduke, 90. Johnson, Reverdy, mentioned, 85; offers to defend Lee, 401. Johnston, Colonel S., mentioned, 300. Johnston, General, Albert Sidney, notice of, 47 ; ment
nce of timber, and by the aid of the machinery at Kirkpatrick's mill they soon had the requisite material for their vessel. While the work of construction was going on a shanty was built in which they were lodged. Lincoln was elected cook, a distinction he never underestimated for a moment. Within four weeks the boat was ready to launch. Offut was sent for, and was present when she slid into the water. It was the occasion of much political chat and buncombe, in which the Whig party and Jackson alike were, strangely enough, lauded to the skies. It is difficult to account for the unanimous approval of such strikingly antagonistic ideas, unless it be admitted that Offut must have brought with him some substantial reminder of the hospitality on draught at the Buckhorn inn. Many disputes arose, we are told, in which Lincoln took part and found a good field for practice and debate. A travelling juggler halted long enough in Sangamon-town, where the boat was launched, to give an ex
wards were chargeable to the management and influence of the Long Nine. It is not my purpose to enter into a detailed account of legislation at this period or to rehearse the history of the political conditions. Many and ingenious were the manoeuvres, but it would fill page after page to narrate them. One thing which deserves mention in passing was that Yankee contrivance, the convention system, which for the first time was brought into use. The Democrats, in obedience to the behests of Jackson, had adopted it, and, singularly enough, among the very first named for office under the operation of the new system was Stephen A. Douglas, who was elected to the Legislature from Morgan county. Its introduction was attributed to Ebenezer Peck, of Chicago, a Democrat who had once, it was said, served in the Canadian Parliament. This latter supposed connection with a monarchical institution was sufficient to bring down on his head the united hostility of the Whigs, a feeling in which even
at-tail, under which a certain other party have been sheltering for near a quarter of a century? Has he no acquaintance with the ample military coat-tail of General Jackson? Does he not know that his own party have run the last five Presidential races under that coat-tail? and that they are now running the sixth under the same cover? Yes, sir, that coat-tail was used not only for General Jackson himself, but has been clung to with the grip of death by every Democratic candidate since. You have never ventured, and dare not now venture from under it. Your campaign papers have constantly been Old hickory's , with rude likeness of the old general upon themd made a discovery by which he could make a new man out of an old man and have enough of the stuff left to make a little yellow dog. Just such a discovery has General Jackson's popularity been to you. You not only twice made Presidents of him out of it, but you have enough of the stuff left to make Presidents of several comparative
ble in his parlor at home, comparatively no library. He never seemed to care to own or collect books. On the other hand I had a very respectable collection, and was adding to it every day. To my library Lincoln very frequently had access. When, therefore, he began on his inaugural speech he told me what works he intended to consult. I looked for a long fist, but when he went over it I was greatly surprised. He asked me to furnish him with Henry Clay's great speech delivered in 1850; Andrew Jackson's proclamation, against Nullification; and a copy of the Constitution. He afterwards called for Webster's reply to Hayne, a speech which he read when he lived at New Salem, and which he always regarded as the grandest specimen of American oratory. With these few volumes, and no further sources of reference, he locked himself up in a room upstairs over a store across the street from the State House, and there, cut off from all communication and intrusion, he prepared the address. Thoug