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Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 7. (ed. Frank Moore), Casualties in the First New-Jersey cavalry. (search)
aised to fire again. The plan succeeded, and the negro was killed. In a previous letter the noble conduct of Lieut. Parsons in avenging the death of Col. Davis, of the Eighth New-York, was recorded. A similar case occurred in the death of Captain Foot, of the Eighth New-York. A skirmisher had fired three shots at the Captain, the third striking his horse. He dismounted to see how much the animal was injured, and had just placed one foot in the stirrup to remount, when the same man fired again. The ball this time struck the Captain in the back, he raised one hand and fell to the ground dead. A private in Capt. Foot's company, named Cruthers, watched his opportunity and killed the man who had shot his captain. Among the captures was a rebel flag, belonging to a North-Carolina regiment. Corporal Drew, company A, First Maine, captured a rebel battleflag in the fight near the house occupied by Stuart. A negro servant in the Sixth New-York cavalry got hold of a gun and fought
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II., chapter 12 (search)
f Mass., Harlan, of Iowa, Wilkinson, of Minn., Sumner, of Mass., Fessenden, of Maine, Browning, of Ill., and Morrill, of Maine, and further opposed by Messrs. Wright (Union), of Ind., Willey, of West Va. (who wished the question of Emancipation submitted to a popular vote of the District), Kennedy, of Md., McDougall, of Cal., and Bayard, of Del.--was passed : April 3. Yeas 29 ; Nays 14-as follows: Yeas--Messrs. Anthony, Browning, Chandler, Clark, Collamer, Dixon, Doolittle, Fessenden, Foot. Foster, Grimes, Hale, Harlan, Harris, Howard, Howe, King, Lane, of Ind., Lane, of Kansas, Morrill, Pomeroy, Sherman. Sumner, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Wade, Wilkinson, Wilmot, and Wilson, of Mass.--29. Nays--Messrs. Bayard, Carlile, Davis, Henderson. Kennedy, Latham, McDougall, Nesmith, Powell, Saulsbury, Stark, Willey, Wilson, of Mo., and Wright--14. This bill having reached the House, Mr. Stevens, of Pa., in Committee of the Whole, moved April 10. the laying aside successively of each
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 13 (search)
they would do no more, unless justified by an intolerable oppression, than would be done by an individual State as a portion of the Union, in separating itself without a like cause from the other portions. Nor would greater evils be inflicted by such a mutilation of a State on some of its parts than might be felt by some of the States from the separation of its neighbors into absolute and alien sovereignties. And lastly, he writes Mr. Webster, in May, 1830, who had sent him his speech on Foot's resolution: I had before received more than one copy from other sources, and had read the speech with a full sense of its powerful bearing on the subjects discussed, and particularly its over-whelming effect on the nullifying doctrine of South Carolina. How clear, how convincing are all these to show the utter unsoundness of the doctrine, in the opinion of one so eminently fit to give us the true meaning of the Constitution from having largely assisted in framing it, in expounding
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 10. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 1 (search)
— yeas, thirty-seven; nays, five; as follows: Yeas--Messrs. Anthony, Bingham, Browning, Carlisle, Chandler, Clark, Collamer, Cowan, Dixon, Doolittle, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Hale, Harlan, Harris, Howe, Johnson of Tennessee, King, Lane of Indiana, Lane of Kansas, Latham, McDougall, Morrill, Pomeroy, Rice, Sherman, Simmoays, thirty-six. Yeas--Messrs. Howe and McDougall-two. Nays--Messrs. Anthony, Browning, Chandler, Clark, Collamer, Cowan, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Harlan, Harris, Henderson, Johnson, King, Lane of Indiana, Latham, Morrill, Nesmith, Pomeroy, Powell, Rice, Saulsbury, Sherman, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Thomson,r. Pomeroy, Mr. Doolittle, Mr. Sumner, Mr. Foster, Mr. Lane, of Indiana, Mr. Johnson, Mr. Grimes, Mr. Cowan, Mr. Collamer, Mr. Sherman, Mr. Salisbury, Mr. Davis, Mr. Foot, Mr. Clark, Mr. Wilkinson, and Mr. Howard. Several amendments were moved, discussed, and acted upon, and the joint resolution, on motion of Mr. Grimes, recommit
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 2, Kossuth (1851). (search)
e set foot on a land cursed with such a monstrous system of oppression, and all bade him beware of the temptation to which his position subjected him, of strengthening by his silence or approbation the hands of the oppressor. At such a time, and in the midst of such a people, we have a right to claim that he should walk carefully. He knew that he must throw the weight of his mighty name in the scale of one party or another that was waging war for principle on this side of the Atlantic. Senator Foot spoke truly when he said, from his seat in the Senate chamber, There is a great struggle going on through the world. It is between despotism and liberty. There is no neutrality in this struggle. No man can fail to be on one side or the other. He that is not with us is against us. To which John P. Hale replied with such readiness, Exactly. We have now that condition of affairs which George Canning prophesied when he said, The next war that passes over Europe is to be a war of ideas.
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 1, Chapter 9: organization: New-England Anti-slavery Society.—Thoughts on colonization.—1832. (search)
se of God, I am firmly persuaded, to humble the pride of the American people by rendering your expulsion impracticable, and the necessity for your admission to equal rights imperative. Be your rallying cry— Union and our Country! By Union he, of course, meant harmonious action among the colored people themselves; not that Union, and less and less every day that Constitution, for which Webster went as they were I go for the Constitution as it is, and for the Union as it is (Second speech on Foot's Resolution, Jan. 26, 1830).—slave representation and all—saying: It is the original bargain, the compact; let it stand. At the close of the year his sentiments in regard to the unholy alliance between freedom and slavery were unmistakably expressed in these terms: There is much declamation about the sacredness of the Lib. 2.207. compact which was formed between the free and slave States, on the adoption of the Constitution. A sacred compact, forsooth! We pronounce it the most bl<
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 2: the Irish address.—1842. (search)
to present petitions such as he had done. He repeated, it was not time to resort to disunion till other means had been tried. The attempt at censure failed on a direct vote (by 106 Lib. 12.27. to 93), but at the North it excited indignation where it did not provoke laughter, and increased the disposition in that section to calculate the value of the Union, and Lib. 12.34. to murmur what Webster termed those words of delusion and folly, Liberty first and Union afterwards. 2d speech on Foot's resolution, Jan. 26, 1830. The Southern colleagues of Mr. Adams on the Committee on Foreign Affairs, of which he was chairman, withdrew, and sundry other Southern members refused to take their places—the precursor of great and important changes which are near at hand, as Mr. Garrison judged. Nothing can prevent the dissolution of the American Union but the abolition of slavery. Lib. 12.31. This conviction had now complete possession of him. W. L. Garrison to G. W. Benson at Nort
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 40: outrages in Kansas.—speech on Kansas.—the Brooks assault.—1855-1856. (search)
st to any revelation from your father's diary; but of course this could not be done without associating his name with present controversies. Adams declined at this time to make public the passages of J. Q Adams's Diary relative to the history of the Monroe doctrine which Sumner desired to use in the debate on the Clayton-Bulwer treaty. I doubt not you have judged well, and yet I part with regret from the opportunity of introducing to the country such interesting testimony. While I write Mr. Foot is speaking on Seward's lead, saying sonic things of England which, if said in Parliament about us, would set the Republic in flames. But England pardons such outbursts, as we pardon what we are obliged to hear from some country bumpkin. Cass has done the same thing. Seward's speech Jan. 31, 1856, on the Central American question. is felt to have killed all idea of war by invoking war he has made it impossible for this Administration to press it. I have been on the point of speaking o
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 50: last months of the Civil War.—Chase and Taney, chief-justices.—the first colored attorney in the supreme court —reciprocity with Canada.—the New Jersey monopoly.— retaliation in war.—reconstruction.—debate on Louisiana.—Lincoln and Sumner.—visit to Richmond.—the president's death by assassination.—Sumner's eulogy upon him. —President Johnson; his method of reconstruction.—Sumner's protests against race distinctions.—death of friends. —French visitors and correspondents.—1864-1865. (search)
courage, as he contemplated the rebellion defeated and degraded to assassination. Sumner chafed under the presence of the guard, which he thought useless; but Stanton decided it to be a necessary precaution. Lieber, in a letter, April 23, enjoined on Sumner to be careful, believing him to be one of those who had been spotted. The senators and representatives who were in Washington met at noon on Monday, the 17th, and after the choice of a chairman and secretary, and a statement by Senator Foot of Vermont, Sumner moved a committee of five to report at four in the afternoon the action proper for the meeting. The committee (Sumner chairman) reported a list of pall-bearers, and a committee of one from each State to accompany the remains to Illinois, and resolutions, and the report was agreed to without dissent. The resolutions (drawn by Sumner), confessing the dependence of those present upon Almighty God, who rules all that is done for human good, bore testimony of their venerat
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 51: reconstruction under Johnson's policy.—the fourteenth amendment to the constitution.—defeat of equal suffrage for the District of Columbia, and for Colorado, Nebraska, and Tennessee.—fundamental conditions.— proposed trial of Jefferson Davis.—the neutrality acts. —Stockton's claim as a senator.—tributes to public men. —consolidation of the statutes.—excessive labor.— address on Johnson's Policy.—his mother's death.—his marriage.—1865-1866. (search)
ogies upon his deceased associates, the two senators from Vermont, Collamer Dec. 14, 1865. Works, vol. x. pp. 38-46. and Foot; April 12, 1886. Works, vol. x. pp. 409-416. and the third in an In Memorial on Henry Winter Davis, New York Independent, Jan. 11, 1866. Works, vol. x. pp. 104-108. of the House. The character of each of the two senators was cast in a different mould from his own, but he dwelt with a generous appreciation on their qualities and services—particularly on Foot's aptitude for the chair, and Collamer's skill in drawing bills and his remarkable facility in committee work. Both in the speech on Collamer and the article on Davis, emphasis was put on their independence of Executive influence on the question of reconstruction. One passage in the tribute to Davis (Works, vol. x. p. 105) may have been a self-vindication for the use of severe language in the contest with slavery. To Davis, esteemed by many associates the most brilliant man in public lif
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