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Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 4, Chapter 5: the Jubilee.—1865. (search)
dred guns in its honor was fired by Gov. Andrew's order, he went up to the Common to enjoy the sight and listen to the reverberations. At the Governor's suggestion and request, the church bells were rung throughout the State; and it was while sitting in the quiet Friends' Meeting at Amesbury that Mr. Whittier heard these, and, divining the cause, framed in thought his inspired lines of praise and thanksgiving (Laus Deo!), which Mr. Garrison never wearied of repeating. A Jubilee Meeting was Feb. 4. speedily convened in Music Hall, which was crowded with an enthusiastic audience, and when the chairman (Josiah Quincy, Jr.) introduced Mr. Garrison as the first speaker of the evening, the latter received such an ovation that he was unable to proceed for several minutes. His speech was naturally exultant, anticipating the future greatness and prosperity of the country, and its influence upon other nations, and (by way of impressing upon his hearers the full significance of this latest
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 4, Chapter 7: the National Testimonial.—1866. (search)
ubsequently in the N. Y. Independent. The Society whose existence was declared Feb. 8, 1866. of such vital consequence continued the Standard, but did nothing more He lectured in Philadelphia to a large audience, on his way thither, and spent Feb. 3. ten days at the Capital at a peculiarly exciting time, when Feb. 17-26. theFeb. 17-26. the apostasy of Andrew Johnson to the party which had elected him first became open and pronounced, through his veto of the Freedmen's Bureau Bill, and his disgraceful n of Congress to a crowd in front of the White House, on Washington's Birthday. Feb. 22. W. L. Garrison to W. P. Garrison. Washington, Feb. 22, 1866. Ms. n the Rev. Henry Highland Garnet's church, the following Sunday evening, and he Feb. 25. received a fervent welcome from his colored friends. On both occasions he great audience at the Academy of Music in Brooklyn, declaring that the language Feb. 27. in which Andrew Johnson had assailed Congress, in his speech at the White H
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 4, Chapter 9: Journalist at large.—1868-1876. (search)
themselves of its benefits, may consult their own choice or prejudice, as the case may be; but they must not make it subservient to their exclusiveness. To gratify them in this respect would be to lay the axe at the root of our free institutions and to engender animosities that no community can afford to tolerate. Independent, Apr. 16, 1874. And again: For one, I would prefer to have the bill defeated as it stands, W. L. G. to Hon. C. T. Garland, Feb. 1, 1875. Washington Chronicle, Feb. 5, 1875. rather than adopted with the sanction of separate schools on account of complexional distinctions by Congress. I deny the constitutional right of that body or of any State Legislature to approve or recognize any such distinctions; and I am surprised that so plain a point has not been earnestly maintained by the advocates of the bill at Washington as originally reported. The Constitution of the United States is the supreme law of the land; and, as amended, Congress may as lawfull
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 4, Chapter 11: last years.—1877-79. (search)
public, and that was a last plea for the enfranchisement of women, Feb. 14, 1879. before a hostile legislative committee, at the State Houso time in denouncing, in an earnest letter to the New York Tribune, Feb. 15, 1879. this base and demagogical action as adding a fresh stain orn of reason, or justice, or historical experience. N. Y. Tribune, Feb. 17, 1879. Mr. Blaine betrayed his sensitiveness to this censurethe country by the Associated Press, and in which he N. Y. Tribune, Feb. 24, 1879. endeavored to break the force of it, and becloud the issurrison's rejoinder was prompt and emphatic. Feb. 25. N. Y. Tribune, Feb. 27, 1879. Recurring to Mr. Blaine's speech as going far, by its vule shows that he is not sincere— if that is too harsh N. Y. Tribune, Feb. 27, 1879. a term, certainly not consistent—in basing his opposition9. Ms. Ever since Saturday I have been confined to the house by Feb. 15. the worst cold I have had since the death of your mother. The
ll, sensitive, and ruddy; his eyes intent—wide open, of a yellowish hazel; with fine teeth, rather larger than the average, and a complexion more fair, more silvery white, than I ever saw upon a man. Baldness set in early; and as my father always shaved, he presented a uniform appearance throughout his adult life. His complexion always retained traces of the red that originally adorned it, and which is said to have been heightened by his blushing when spoken to. The R. Purvis to W. P. G., Feb., 1881. remnant of his hair was slow to gray. Mary Grew, who saw him first in Hartford in 1830, found him to tally with a friend's description of him as a young man with a very black beard, which he shaved very close, giving the lower part of his face a bluish appearance. When let grow, however, his beard, with a parental reminiscence, was of Ante, 1.13. a sandy or light brown color; and I think my father liked it none the better for that. A man of singularly few prejudices, he never fre
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 2, Chapter 24: Slavery and the law of nations.—1842.—Age, 31. (search)
to enter on a more distinct cooperation with the Abolitionists; but his time for such public activities had not yet come. He had been for several years a subscriber for their organ,—the Liberator,—attended their annual Anti-slavery Fairs in Boston, and maintained friendly relations with their leaders,—manifestations of sympathy and goodfellowship which disturbed some of his conservative friends. With Wendell Phillips he maintained the friendship which began at the Harvard Law School. In Feb 1845, they discussed in correspondence the non-voting question. A brief reference to Sumner's view of the relations of our Government to Slavery may well be given in this connection, although a complete statement would be premature. The term Abolitionist, so far as its etymology is concerned, designated all who were in favor of direct moral and political action against Slavery; but, in the party nomenclature of this period, it was applied in a narrower sense to those who, like Mr. Garris<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 46: qualities and habits as a senator.—1862. (search)
s later (Globe, pp. 733, 734) he referred to Sumner's chronic difficult about adjournments. Similar pressure from Sumner, with similar resistance from other senators who recalled his uniform position on the suspension of business, will be found in the record of later sessions (June 25, 1864, Globe, p. 3263; July 2, 1864, Works, vol. IX. pp. 55-63; July 26, 1866, Globe, pp. 4166, 4167; Dec. 14, 1868, Globe, p. 68; Dec. 15, 1869; May 5, 6, and 20, 1870, Globe, pp. 137, 3239, 3274, 3277, 3658; Feb 15, 1871, Globe, p. 1262). Thurman's tribute, April 27, 1874 (Globe, p. 3400), referred to Sumner's high estimate of the effect of full discussion. His persistence in opposing a limitation of the session, even under the oppressive heat of the summer, brought him sometimes into collision with senators who, though not laggards, took a less exacting view of official duty, or who thought, sometimes quite rightly, that enough had already been done, and what remained would ripen for better action
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 50: last months of the Civil War.—Chase and Taney, chief-justices.—the first colored attorney in the supreme court —reciprocity with Canada.—the New Jersey monopoly.— retaliation in war.—reconstruction.—debate on Louisiana.—Lincoln and Sumner.—visit to Richmond.—the president's death by assassination.—Sumner's eulogy upon him. —President Johnson; his method of reconstruction.—Sumner's protests against race distinctions.—death of friends. —French visitors and correspondents.—1864-1865. (search)
hat body, in an address to his neighbors, which was widely read, came earnestly to the support of the President's action, and contested as unconstitutional any attempt of Congress to make suffrage for the colored people a condition precedent in the restoration of the rebel States. July 4, at Pittsfield. (Springfield Republican, July 19.) This journal agreed fully with Mr. Dawes's view, and sustained President Johnson, June 12. Mr. Dawes had taken the same position in a speech in the House, Feb 20, 1865. Among public men not in Congress, journalists and other leaders of public opinion, Sumner's cause found little support. Governor Morton of Indiana denounced it before the people, and took issue directly with the senator. Julian's Political Recollections, pp. 260-268. George W. Julian at once replied to Morton in the Indiana True Republican, and also in speeches. Governor Andrew of Massachusetts felt assured of the President's honesty of purpose, and advised co-operation with
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 52: Tenure-of-office act.—equal suffrage in the District of Columbia, in new states, in territories, and in reconstructed states.—schools and homesteads for the Freedmen.—purchase of Alaska and of St. Thomas.—death of Sir Frederick Bruce.—Sumner on Fessenden and Edmunds.—the prophetic voices.—lecture tour in the West.—are we a nation?1866-1867. (search)
ent to give his vote, having left the Senate at midnight, not deeming it important to remain merely to swell the large and ascertained majority which the bill was destined to receive. His absence was a subject of comment in subsequent debates. Feb 19, 1867, Congressional Globe, p. 1563; Jan. 21 and Feb. 10, 1870, Globe, pp. 638, 640, 1182-1184; Works, vol. XI. p. 105; vol. XIII. pp. 303-330. He was ill and worn out, and the result had been determined by a caucus of senators, who comprehen the senator from Massachusetts steps out boldly, declares his doctrine, and then he is approached [reproached?], and finally he governs. He referred probably to his remarks, June 24, 1864. Doolittle's remarks (June 6, 1868, Globe. p. 2898, and Feb 9, 1869. Globe. p. 1031) were to the same effect. During the debates on reconstruction and suffrage, Sumner's style of treating his Republican opponents was not altogether agreeable to them. He had an insight into the rebellion which they ha
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 56: San Domingo again.—the senator's first speech.—return of the angina pectoris.—Fish's insult in the Motley Papers.— the senator's removal from the foreign relations committee.—pretexts for the remioval.—second speech against the San Domingo scheme.—the treaty of Washington.—Sumner and Wilson against Butler for governor.—1870-1871. (search)
592, 953, 1013, 1049, 1208-1211, 1253-1255). Among subjects which he treated in debate were the proposed removal of the remains of soldiers from the Arlington cemetery, Dec. 13, 1870 (Works, vol. XIV. pp. 86-88), which he opposed (for this effort Nast sent with his autograph to the senator his picture in Harper's Weekly, Jan. 14, 1871); transportation of supplies in national vessels to France and Germany for the relief of those who had been impoverished in the war between the two countries, Feb 4, 1871 (Works, vol. XIV. pp. 151, 152); abolition of the discrimination of color in the public schools of the District of Columbia, Feb. 8, 1871 (Works, vol. XIV. pp. 153-163),—Dec. 5 and 8, 1870, and Jan. 24, 1871 (Globe, pp. 2, 3, 39, 687); emblems on coins, Jan. 10, 1871 (Globe, p. 399); the death of John Covode, member of Congress, to whom he paid a tribute, commending his opposition to outside and disturbing questions calculated to distract and divide, Feb. 10, 1871 (Works, vol. XIV.