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nation of Hayes for the Presidency Grant gave him a cordial support. Until the nominations were made, however, all Grant's influence had been thrown in favor of Conkling, and against Bristow and Blaine. He had declined to allow his name to go before the convention, but he naturally took a keen interest in the selection of the candidate who might succeed him. Conkling had been his especial advocate and defender in the Senate during the period when many fell away, while for Bristow he entertained an especial bitterness. He looked upon Bristow as a Cabinet Minister who had become not only the rival of his chief, but the instigator of all the fierce and pere sentiment, which was one of the most intense he ever knew. But for Blaine at this time Grant had no animosity; he opposed him because he was the competitor of Conkling. When, however, Hayes became the candidate by a compromise, Grant was loyal to his party and to the decision of its representatives. No one suspected him, an
family, naturally eager to regain the position they had once enjoyed, was incessant; and Grant allowed every step to be taken to present his name to the country and the convention without one sign of disapproval. Delegates were chosen pledged to vote for him; important statesmen known to have always been in his confidence openly advocated his nomination; yet with that singular reticence which he sometimes displayed, he made neither public nor private utterance on the subject, and men like Conkling, Cameron, and Logan declared in intimate conferences that Grant had never said to either that he would be a candidate. He always had a superstitious feeling, which he describes in his memoirs, that he would fail in any effort made by himself to secure his own advancement. He had done nothing whatever to promote his first nomination, and nothing directly for his second; and he determined now to follow the same course in regard to a third. He finally, however, became extremely anxious to
his utterance was followed by a demonstration from Conkling, not only Grant's most prominent champion at ChicaMentor, the home of the candidate, he was met by Mr. Conkling, and the two were entertained by the man who had however, first to the Senate Chamber to visit Senator Conkling, who informed me that my name had been sent toetween Garfield and Blaine on one side, and Grant, Conkling, and Arthur on the other. Robertson, whose courseto all the recognized rules of political courtesy, Conkling should have been consulted; and Merritt, the frienor Italy, or some equally good place. Advise with Conkling and Platt. It would be better to come here withou weeks in Washington, consulting not only with Senators Conkling and Logan, but constantly with Vice-President Mexico and gone to his house at Long Branch. Both Conkling and Platt had resigned their positions in the Sena Grant had fully sympathized with the feeling of Mr. Conkling and Vice-President Arthur, and had come in for h
nt to Chicago a fervent adherent of Grant, and was steadfast under Conkling's lead in the advocacy of a third term. When Garfield was nominatticket was tendered to him as a sort of propitiatory reparation to Conkling. The nomination for the Presidency had itself been suggested for Conkling by some who were willing to support him, though they would not accept Grant; but Conkling declared that he had gone to the conventionConkling declared that he had gone to the convention to nominate Grant, and rather than receive the prize he was pledged to obtain for another he would cut his right arm from his body. Arthur, done in his place. Arthur was in complete accord with Grant and Conkling in their dispute with Garfield, and even took a more conspicuous prant in the struggle, visiting Albany to aid in the re-election of Conkling and incurring the severest criticism of Garfield's supporters. Ththe same relations he had once maintained, not only with Grant and Conkling, but with the wing of the party which they led. For this change th
an party, he proposed the passage of a bill authorizing Grant to take a leave of absence, as General of the Army, for the term of his Presidency. During both of Grant's Administrations Mr. Blaine gave him a loyal support; he was in favor of Grant's renomination in 1872, and did not himself become an avowed aspirant for the succession until Grant had formally announced that his own name was not to be presented to the Convention in 1876. In that Convention Grant's influence was thrown for Conkling, but he had still no hostility for Blaine, and if Blaine had received the nomination, the Administration would undoubtedly have done whatever it could, legitimately, for his election. It was Bristow whom Grant especially opposed, and he and Blaine were united in this opposition; for Bristow's friends attacked Blaine as fiercely as they did Grant. While the Convention was in session, Mr. Blaine and Mr. Fish, Grant's Secretary of State—were seen driving together in an open carriage, in the
answer a few letters. In the morning I go to Washington and will take that occasion to talk to Conkling and the President about your transfer to New York. Yours, U. S. Grant. Letter no. Sixtve one of those places. I will tell you this evening about your chances for the Naval office. Conkling is willing. Yours, U. S. Grant. Letter no. Sixty-six. In Chapter XXXVII of this voltick to London unless you can get Naval Office, Italy, or some equally good place. Advise with Conkling and Platt. It would be better to come here without government appointment than to take Copenhaeld offered me, and my whole course in that matter had been advised and endorsed by him and Senator Conkling as strongly as by Grant. He now admitted to Grant that he felt bound to offer me a place aeral Grant at once wrote to the President, reminding him of his promise to send me to Italy. Mr. Conkling also wrote to Arthur in my favor; and I addressed both the President and the Secretary of Sta