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Joseph T. Derry , A. M. , Author of School History of the United States; Story of the Confederate War, etc., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 6, Georgia (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 148 18 Browse Search
Alfred Roman, The military operations of General Beauregard in the war between the states, 1861 to 1865 75 5 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 11. (ed. Frank Moore) 62 6 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 62 0 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 40 0 Browse Search
Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buell, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War: Volume 2. 39 3 Browse Search
Comte de Paris, History of the Civil War in America. Vol. 2. (ed. Henry Coppee , LL.D.) 27 1 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 3. 26 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 25 3 Browse Search
J. B. Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary 25 9 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I.. You can also browse the collection for Howell Cobb or search for Howell Cobb in all documents.

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Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 15 (search)
the Senate; and the House, after a tedious contest, wherein the especial Free soil or Buffalo Platform members refused to support either Mr. Winthrop (Whig), or Mr. Cobb (Democrat), for the speakership, was finally organized under the Plurality rule, whereby, after taking three more ballots, the highest number of votes was to elect. This rule was adopted, December 22, 1849. by 113 Yeas to 106 Nays. after nearly three weeks fruitless balloting, and under it Howell Cobb, of Georgia, was chosen Speaker on the 63d ballot, receiving 102 votes to 99 for Winthrop, and 20 scattering (mainly on the Buffalo platform). Mr. Cobb Since, a Confederate Major-GeneMr. Cobb Since, a Confederate Major-General. was one of the most determined Democratic advocates of Slavery Extension, and constituted the Committees of the House accordingly. Gen. B. Riley, the Military Governor of California, had issued June 3, 1849. a Proclamation calling a Convention of the People of California to frame a State Constitution. Such Convention w
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Xvi. The era of Slave-hunting. (search)
rushed through the two Houses with little consideration and less scrutiny. When it was reached in its order in the lower, Judge James Thompson Democrat, of Erie, Pa. obtained the floor September, 12th.--doubtless by prearrangement with Speaker Cobb--and spoke in favor of the measure as just and necessary, closing his remarks by a demand of the Previous Question. This was sustained by a majority; and the bill — with all its imperfections on its head, and without affording any opportunityence in the Compromise of 1850--was to be interpolated into the creed of one or both of these parties, if the strength of its champions should be found sufficient. Indeed, a public pledge had, several months before, been signed by Henry Clay, Howell Cobb, and some fifty other members of Congress, of either party, that they would support no candidate thereafter who did not approve and agree to abide by that Adjustment. And this Compromise, according to the interpretation now put upon it by its
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Xxi. The Presidential canvass of 1860. (search)
that there shall be no equivocation and no doubt in the popular mind as to what our principles are. Mr. Payne, on the other side, quoted at length from the Cincinnati platform, from Mr. Buchanan's letter of acceptance, and from speeches of Howell Cobb, John C. Breckinridge, James L. Orr, A. H. Stephens, Judah P. Benjamin, James A. Bayard, James M. Mason, Robert Toombs, etc., to show that Non-Intervention with Popular Sovereignty was the original and established Democratic doctrine with regbut the South could have taken any candidate — perhaps even Douglas himself — if he were standing squarely, openly, on the Avery or Breckinridge platform; and so, probably, could the Northern delegates have consented to support Breckinridge or Howell Cobb on the Payne-Samuels or Douglas platform. Never was an issue more broadly made or clearly defined as one of conflicting, incompatible assumptions. And nowhere in the Slave States did the Breckinridge men consent to any compromise, partnershi
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 22 (search)
es, who had for years so loudly vaunted their own and their party's matchless devotion to Southern rights. 2. The patronage of the Federal Government throughout the fifteen Slave States, being wielded and bestowed by the Southern members Howell Cobb, of Georgia, Secretary of the Treasury; John B. Floyd, of Virginia, Secretary of War; Jacob Thompson, of Mississippi, Secretary of the Interior. Aaron V. Brown, of Tennessee, Mr. Buchanan's first Postmaster-General, died, and was succeeded, inte our greatness: we are now among the first nations of the earth. Shall it, then, be said that our institutions, founded upon principles of self-government, are a failure? Thus far it is a noble example, worthy of imitation. The gentleman (Mr. Cobb), the other night, said it had proven a failure. A failure in what? In growth? Look at our expanse in National power! Look at our population and increase in all that makes a people great! A failure? Why, we are the admiration of the civili
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Xxiii. peace efforts at the North. (search)
th ever-increased surprise at his wonderful acuteness, defend it on constitutional grounds, and distinguish it, in that respect, from the doctrine of Secession. This last he never, with me, placed on any other ground than that of revolution. This, he said, was to destroy the Government; and no Constitution, the work of sane men, ever provided for its own destruction. The other was to preserve it — was, practically, but to amend it, and in a constitutional mode. To the same effect, Hon. Howell Cobb--since, a most notable Secessionist — in a letter to the citizens of Macon, Ga., in 1851, said: When asked to concede the right of a State to secede at pleasure from the Union, with or without just cause, we are called upon to admit that the framers of the Constitution did that which was never done by any other people possessed of their good sense and intelligence — that is, to provide, in the very organization of the Government, for its own dissolutions. It seems to me that such a <
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 26 (search)
nt, this development, casting doubt on the integrity of men high in authority, gave a staggering blow to the public credit. The Grand Jury at Washington indicted On the 30th. Floyd on two counts: first, for malfeasance; second, for conspiracy with Bailey and Russell to defraud the Government; but he was by this time far from that city, absorbed in the work of luring Virginia into the toils of treason. The disintegration of the Cabinet had commenced so early as December 10th, when Mr. Howell Cobb, thoroughly in the counsels of the secessionists, resigned the control of the Treasury, whereof the bankrupt and hopeless condition supplied him with an excuse, though not the reason, for his retirement. Mr. Philip Francis Thomas, of Md., previously Commissioner of Patents, was appointed in his stead. Gen. Lewis Cass resigned the post of Secretary of State on the 14th, directly after a long and exciting Cabinet session. He did so because he could not consent to render himself respons
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Analytical Index. (search)
d's speech at, 199; John Brown's proceedings at, 288. Clingman, Thomas L., of N. C., 308; 329 ; his prescription for free debaters, 373; allusion to, 406; 487; in Confederate Congress, 485-6; allusion to, 514. Clinton, De Witt, allusion to, 18; 394. Clinton, George, allusion to, 42; 264. Clinton, George W., speech at Albany, 394-5. Clinton Hall, N. Y., proposed meeting at, 125. Clinton, Miss., against Abolitionists, 128. Clover, Rev. L. P., letter to Gov. Letcher, 397. Cobb, Howell, of Ga., chosen Speaker, 203; 222; 253; resigns the control of the Treasury, 411 Cochrane, John, of N. Y., 374. Cockeysville, Mid., occupied by Federals, 471. Cogswell, Col. Milton, at Ball's Bluff, 623-4. Colburn, Asst. Adjt. Gen. A. V., 621. Colcock, C. J., resins as Coll. at Charleston, 336. Collamer, Jacob, of Vt., 308; at Chicago, 321 Collinsville, Conn., John Brown contracts for a thousand pikes at, 283. Colorado Territory, organized, 388. Columbia, P