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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 26 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 8 12 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 6, 10th edition. 10 0 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 2 0 Browse Search
Admiral David D. Porter, The Naval History of the Civil War. 1 1 Browse Search
James Barnes, author of David G. Farragut, Naval Actions of 1812, Yank ee Ships and Yankee Sailors, Commodore Bainbridge , The Blockaders, and other naval and historical works, The Photographic History of The Civil War: in ten volumes, Thousands of Scenes Photographed 1861-65, with Text by many Special Authorities, Volume 6: The Navy. (ed. Francis Trevelyan Miller) 1 1 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 8. You can also browse the collection for George Clymer or search for George Clymer in all documents.

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the new legislature of Pennsylvania was organized. Chosen under a dread of independence, all of its members who were present subscribed the usual engagements of allegiance to the king. In a few days the Quakers presented an address, in favor of the most conciliatory measures, and deprecating every thing likely to widen or perpetuate the breach with their parent state. To counteract this movement, the committee for the city and liberties of Philadelphia, sixty six in number, headed by George Clymer and McKean, went two by two to Chap. XLVII.} 1775. Oct. the state-house, and delivered their remonstrance; but the spirit of the assembly, under the guidance of Dickinson, followed the bent of the quakers. Congress, for the time, was like a ship at sea without a rudder, still buoyant, but rolling on the water with every wave. One day would bring measures for the defence of New York and Hudson river, or for the invasion of Canada; the next, nothing was to be done that could further i
xed up with some crude notions of his own, was Thomas Paine, a literary adventurer, at that time a little under forty years of age; the son of a Quaker of Norfolk in England, brought up in the faith of George Fox and Penn, the only school in England where he could have learned the principles which he was now to defend, and which it seemed a part of his nature to assert. He had been in America not much more than a year, but in that time he had cultivated the society of Franklin, Rittenhouse, Clymer, and Samuel Adams; his essay, when finished, was shown to Franklin, to Rittenhouse, to Samuel Adams, and to Rush; and Rush gave it the title of common sense. The design and end of government, it was reasoned, is freedom and security. In the early ages of the world, mankind were equals in the order of creation; the heathen introduced government by kings, which the will of the Almighty, as declared by Gideon and the prophet Samuel, expressly disapproved. To the evil of monarchy we
dence, made with no limitation of time, brought the conflict between the congress and the proprietary government of Pennsylvania to a crisis, which presaged internal strife and a war of party against party. On the twenty eighth of February, the committee of correspondence of Philadelphia, against the wish of Joseph Reed, their chairman, resolved to call a convention of the people. This was the wisest measure that could have been proposed; and had Dickinson, Morris, and Reed, like Franklin, Clymer, and Mackean, joined heartily in its support, no conflict could have ensued, except between determined royalists and the friends of American liberty. The proprietary interest, by the instinct of self-preservation, repelled the Chap. LX.} 1776. Apr. thought of independence, wished for delay, and made no concessions but from fear of being superseded by the people. And how could an assembly of men, who before entering on their office took the vow of allegiance to the king, guide a revolutio
governor to remain at liberty on his parole. The spirit of temporizing showed itself still more May. clearly in Philadelphia. The moderate men, as they Chap. LXII.} 1776. May. were called, who desired a reconciliation with Great Britain upon the best terms she would give, but at any rate a reconciliation, held many meetings to prepare for the election of the additional burgesses who were to be chosen in May; and when the day of election came, the friends of independence carried only Clymer; the moderate men, combining with the proprietary party, the officers of the provincial government, the avowed tories, and such of the Roman Catholics as could not control their antipathy to the Presbyterians, elected the three others. The elections in the country were also not wholly unfavorable to the interests of the proprietary. Yet as independence was become inevitable, the result only foreboded a bitter internal strife. Neither was the success of the proprietary party a fair express
rland county, asking that the instructions to the delegates of Pennsylvania might be withdrawn, was read a second time, and a committee of seven was appointed to bring in new instructions. Of its members, among whom were Dickinson, Morris, Reed, Clymer, and one or two loyalists, all but Clymer were, for the present, opposed to independence. The instructions of Pennsylvania, which they reported on the sixth, conceded that the revolutionists were in the right; that all hopes of a reconciliatioClymer were, for the present, opposed to independence. The instructions of Pennsylvania, which they reported on the sixth, conceded that the revolutionists were in the right; that all hopes of a reconciliation, on reasonable terms, were extinguished; and nevertheless, with a full knowledge that the king would Chap. LXV.} 1776. June. not yield, they expressed their ardent desire for an end of the civil war; while they expressly sanctioned a confederation, and treaties with foreign kingdoms and states, they neither advised nor forbade a declaration of independence, trusting to the ability, prudence, and integrity of their delegates. Now the opinion of the majority of those delegates was notorious;