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vain. Yet I see no reason for doubting the accuracy of the quotation. Richard Jackson, from his upright character and his position as a friend of Grenville, and soon as a confidential officer of the Exchequer, was competent to give decisive evidence. In a debate in the House of Commons in the thirteenth parliament, Sir William Meredith, speaking in the presence of Grenville, intimates that Grenville adopted the measure of the stamp act at the suggestion of another. See the Reports by Cavendish, i. 499. Horace Walpole, a bitter enemy of Grenville's, yet says, in a note to his Memoirs of Geo. III. III. 32, that the stamp act was a measure of Bute's ministry, at the suggestion of his secretary, Jenkinson, who afterwards brought it into the treasury for Grenville's adoption. Bute personally, as we know from Knox, wished to bring the colonies into order; but as every body about him wished the same, he probably thought not much about tile matter, but left it to others, and especia
to Grenville, 2 July, 1764. Grenville would have esteemed himself unpardonable if he could have even thought of such a measure as the stamp act, without previously making every possible inquiry into the condition of America. G. Grenville, in Cavendish, i. 494, Debate of fifth of March, 1770: I should have been unpardonable, if I had thought of such a measure (as the stamp act) without having previously made every possible inquiry into the condition of America. Sir, I had information from mewho ordered the minute, was but a cipher; and Lord North, who supported the stamp act, himself told the House of Commons that he took the propriety of passing it very much upon the authority of Grenville. Lord North's Speech, 2 March, 1769. Cavendish, i. 299. From the days of King William there was a steady line of precedents of opinion that America should, like Ireland, provide in whole, or at least in part, for the support of its military establishment. It was one of the first subjec
eligible; or if the colonies themselves thought any other mode would be more expedient, he should have no objections to come into it, by act of parliament. At that time the merits of the question were opened at large. The opposition were publicly called upon to deny, if they thought it fitting, the right of the legislature to impose any tax, internal or external, on the colonies; and not a single person ventured to controvert that right. Upon a solemn question, asked in a full house, Cavendish, i. 494. there was not one negative. As we are stout, said Beckford, I hope we shall be merciful; and no other made a reply. On the fourteenth of March, Charles Jenkinson, Journal 8 of Commons, XXIX. 949, 978, 987, 1015, &c. from a committee, on which he had for his associates, Grenville and Lord North, reported a bill modifying and perpetuating the act of 1733, with some changes to the disadvantage of the colonies; an extension of the navigation acts, making England the storehouse
ance, on the good effects he would see derived to Great Britain and to the colonies from his firmness and candor in conducting the American business. Pownall's Dedication to George Grenville of the second edition of his Administration of the Colonies. Still less did the statesmen of England doubt the result. No tax was ever laid with more general approbation. Considerations, &c., 109. The act seemed sure to enforce itself. Unless stamps were used, marriages would be null, chap. XI.} 1765. April. notes of hand valueless, ships at sea prizes to the first captors, suits at law impossible, transfers of real estate invalid, inheritances irreclaimable. Of all who acted with Grenville in the government, he never heard one prophesy that the tax would be resisted. Grenville's Speech of 26 Jan. 1769, in Cavendish, i. 202. He did not foresee the opposition to the measure, and would have staked his life for obedience. Grenville's Speech, 5 March, 1770, in Cavendish, i. 496.
Chapter 17: America reasons against the Stamp Act—ministry of Rockingham continued. September, 1765. during these acts of compulsory submission, and chap. XVI.} 1765 Sept. while Boston, in a full town-meeting unanimously asked the pictures of Conway and Barre for Faneuil Hall, the Lords of the Treasury in England, Rockingham, Dowdeswell, and Lord John Cavendish being present, held meetings almost daily, to carry the Stamp Act into effect; and without any apparent reluctance, completed the lists of stamp officers; provided for the instant filling of vacancies that might result from death or neglect; signed warrants for the expense of preparing the American stamps; and enjoined the Governor to superintend and assist their distribution. Treasury Minute Book, XXXVII. 120, 123, 133. Treasury Letter, Book, XXIII. 205, 214. These minutes might have had their excuse in the principle, that there existed no power to dispense with the law of the land; but Dartmouth, from the Bo
with an air of most marked contempt, from which Norton, abashed or chagrined, knew no escape, but by an appeal for protection to the speaker. Edmund Burke speaking for the first time in the House of Commons, advocated the reception of the petition, as in itself an acknowledgment of the jurisdiction of the house; while Charles Townshend in a short speech treated the line drawn between external and internal taxation, as a fiction or the ecstasy of madness. An hour before midnight Lord John Cavendish avoided a defeat on a division, by moving the orders of the day, while Conway assured the American agents of his good will, and the Speaker caused the substance of the whole paper to be entered on the journals. The reading of papers and examination of witnesses continued during the month, in the utmost secrecy. The evidence especially of the riots in Rhode Island and New-York, produced a very unfavorable effect. On the last day of January the weakness of chap. XXI.} 1766. Jan.