hide Matching Documents

The documents where this entity occurs most often are shown below. Click on a document to open it.

Document Max. Freq Min. Freq
Lydia Maria Child, Isaac T. Hopper: a true life 2 0 Browse Search
The writings of John Greenleaf Whittier, Volume 3. (ed. John Greenleaf Whittier) 2 0 Browse Search
The writings of John Greenleaf Whittier, Volume 2. (ed. John Greenleaf Whittier) 2 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 27. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 2 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, The new world and the new book 2 0 Browse Search
James Buchanan, Buchanan's administration on the eve of the rebellion 2 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 2 0 Browse Search
John G. Nicolay, The Outbreak of Rebellion 2 0 Browse Search
View all matching documents...

Your search returned 234 results in 93 document sections:

ernal truth, which in their universality are superior to sects and separate creeds, were rapidly effacing the prejudices of the past. The troubles of the thirteen colonies led the court of Great Britain to its first step in the emancipation of Catholics; and with no higher object in view than to strengthen the authority of the king in America, the Quebec act of 1774 began that series of concessions, which did not cease till the British parliament itself, and the high offices of administration bjected almost the whole body of resident inhabitants to an oligarchy, hateful by their race and religion; their supremacy as conquerors, and their selfishness. The Quebec act authorized the crown to confer posts of honor and of business upon Catholics; Chap. XIV.} 1774. Oct. and they chose rather to depend on the clemency of the king, than to have an exclusively Protestant parliament, like that of Ireland. This limited political toleration left no room for the sentiment of patriotism. The
their affection for France, their courage, and their regard for the common welfare; but no adequate mo- Chap. XXXVI.} 1775. May. tive for rising was set before them. As the congress intended still to petition the king, they could only request some vague co-operation in imploring the attention of their sovereign; a request which at most was only fitted to secure neutrality. The Canadians, as Frenchmen, feared not taxation by parliament, but the haughty dominion of their conquerors; as Catholics they dreaded the exclusive rule of Protestants. A union for independence with a promise of institutions of their own, might have awakened their enthusiasm; but to them the Quebec act was an improvement on their former condition; and they abhorred it less than a fraudulent representative system like that of Ireland. Their sympathy for the insurgents sprung mainly from a recollection of their own sufferings under the twelve years tyranny which had gone by; and could be revived and sustaine
eflection showed insurmountable obstacles. Since congress for eight months had not been able to furnish Washington, who was encamped in the most thickly peopled part of the country, with the men, clothes, blankets, money, and powder required for the recovery of Boston, how could they hope to keep up the siege of Quebec? To maintain a foothold in Canada, there was need, in the first place, of the good — will and confidence of its people. Montgomery had from his birth been familiar with Catholics; but Wooster, a New England Calvinist from a country town in Connecticut, cradled in the hatred of popery, irritated the jealousies of the Canadian clergy, who refused absolution to the friends of the Americans, and threatened them from the pulpit with eternal woe. Nor were his manners and frugal style of living suited to win the friendship of the Canadian nobility. But without the support of their priests or their feudal superiors, the fickle and uncertain common people were incapable of
eir religion attaches them specially to the monarchical system. It is otherwise with the numerous presbyterians who inhabit the north of Ireland. Their fanaticism makes them enemies of all civil or religious authority concentrated in a chief. They aspire to nothing but to give themselves a form of government like that of the United Provinces of America. Vergennes to Montmorin, 29 April, 1779. It is not easy to find a suitable emissary. Irishmen enough press around me; but, being all Catholics, they have no connection except among their countrymen of their own communion, who have not energy enough to attempt a revolution. The presbyterians, being by their principles and by their characters more enterprising, more daring, more inimical to royal authority, and even more opposed to us, it is to them that I ought to address myself; for if Chap. XI.} 1779. they determine to rise, our hand will not be recognised in the work. Vergennes to Montmorin, 29 May, 1779. An American was
Medford Historical Society Papers, Volume 17., The Roman Catholic Church in Medford. (search)
ncluded Malden, Medford, Melrose, South Reading (now Wakefield), Reading, Stoneham and Winchester. The first Mass was said in Greene's Hall, on the corner of Pleasant and Middlesex streets in Malden. It is estimated that more than two hundred Catholics were present on that occasion. Father Ryan called his people together and told them a building was needed at once for a church. It proved to be difficult to buy land. As Malden was more thickly settled than Medford, it was decided to find a last June, and he spoke from the altar most feelingly of his admiration for the saintly character of Father Donnelly, of the privilege it had been to be associated with him, and also most appreciatingly of the kindness he had received from both Catholics and Protestants during the short term of his ministry in Medford. Father Donnelly was succeeded by the Rev. Michael Gilligan, who labored most earnestly among us for fourteen years. The old church on High street had become inadequate to the
Wm. H. Dundas, second Assistant Postmaster General, who died on the 24th instant, was a native of Fairfax co., Va., and had been in the Department for thirty years. At a recent fair at St. Cloud, Minn., given by the German Catholics, for the benefit of their church, Protestants and Catholics joined cordially, and raised $2,000. The Episcopal Bishops of Mississippi, Florida, Alabama and Georgia have discontinued the "prayer for the President" in the service. A convention of workingmen is to be held in Portsmouth, Va., on the 12th prox., to send delegates to the National Convention at Philadelphia on the 22d prox. Thomas Francis Meagher was among the passengers from Central America who arrived by the Ariel at New York. The flannel mill of J. Stott & Sons, at Stottville, N. Y., was burnt on the 28rd Inst.--loss $10,000. Ex-President Tyler will, while in Washington, sojourn with the President by special invitation. The Crittenden resolutions have
to Catholic citizens.--Whilst nothing is more repugnant to my feelings than to appeal to you in this way as Catholics, yet I feel warranted in doing so, when demagogues address us and urge us to repudiate a man who, in the dark days of 1855, stood by us battling for our rights, fighting foremost in the fray, whilst Botts, Gilmer, Johnson and Macfarland were warring against us, coming even to our firesides, to deprive us and our children of the dearest and most inestimable right. BottJesuit, of the Assassin, and of the Traitors, John Brown and Wm. H. Seward. (Music — Rogue's March.)" Mr. Botts and Mr. Johnson were at this dinner, and figured extensively in the programme. Mr. Gilmer, a few years ago, in his zeal against Catholics, persecuted a Reverend Father of our Church, and used all his power and skill to have him imprisoned in the common jail because he would not reveal the secrets of the Confessional. Are we now, without feeling our cheeks tingle with shame,
Reasons for not voting for Botts: 1. He was a Know Nothing in 1855, and by secret oaths strove to exclude foreigners and Catholics from office. 2. He speaks, thinks and writes to please the North and not the South. All the Abolitionists applaud him; the South denounce him. 3. The emissaries of Botts tell our mechanics that we have nothing to complain of, and that State Rights men will, by Disunion, deprive them of work. How much work do Botts and his Black Republican allies give you? 4. If Richmond elects Botts her trade with Virginia and the South will surely suffer. Orders for manufactures for Georgia, &c., will be instantly withdrawn, and our farmers will not deal with the supporters of Botts. fe 4--1t State-rights.
The Daily Dispatch: February 4, 1861., [Electronic resource], Gilmer and Botts Versus the Catholics. (search)
Gilmer and Botts Versus the Catholics. --Since it has been thought proper, with the hope of aiding the "submission " ticket, to appeal to us as Catholics for our votes, it is but just that you and I should recall to our minds the peculiar claims that two of the candidates on that ticket have upon us for our suffrages. It will be recollected, that in 1855 Mr. Gilmer exerted all his energy and real, to get the Judge of the Circuit Court of the city of Richmond, to commit one of the Reverend Fathers of our Church to the common jail, because he would not reveal the secrets of the sacred confessional. How stands Mr. Botts in regard, to this same question? After the Judge had decided that the secrets of the confessional could not be forced from Father Tecling, Mr. Botts thought it necessary to write a long argument against that decision, and publish it in the Daily American of this city, and addressed the citizens of Richmond upon the same subject. fe 4--1t A Catholic
The Catholics and the crisis. --The New York Freeman's Journal contends that "Catholics have done nothing to bring on this war," and urges them to speak out and call once more for counsels of peace. The Journal, alluding to the New York Tribune's exhortation to have men to make a dash at the enemy in Virginia, Maryland, etc., without waiting for orders, thus pays its respects to that paper: "If this pestilent war is to degenerate into a barbarous raid on women, children, and defenseless villages, there will be two sides to the accursed contest. There is in Pennsylvania, Chambersburg, Mercersburg, Gettysburg, Waynesburg, etc., etc., a good deal more accessible, from the border, than any town we know of in Virginia or Maryland.--Could any but a New Englander, a non-resistant, a bran-bread eater, and a lackey Bloomer-women have invited so infamous a paragraph? We decline measuring words of denunciation in stigmatizing its cowardly atrocity."