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of the matter in this direction. (2) In the second place, previously existing lines of division have been wiped out. Catholics have come to love Protestants, and Protestants to love Catholics. Evangelicals have come to love unevangelicals, and Catholics. Evangelicals have come to love unevangelicals, and unevangelicals to love evangelicals. Betwixt the so-called religious and the so-called nonreli-gious, as notably in the Prospect Union, the offensive lines have to a considerable extent disappeared. Betwixt Republicans, too, and Democrats, and Thi1894, when he stood up and said: The saloon seems to have been among us to keep us by the ears one against another. We Catholics did not like you Protestants, and you Protestants did not like us Catholics. But now that the saloon is gone, we love Catholics. But now that the saloon is gone, we love one another, and are nobly helpful one toward another. And when the Catholic bell of St. Mary's leads off, and the Trinitarian bell of Prospect Street, and the Unitarian bell of Austin Street follow after it in that threefold chiming which, each el
1803, or the church in Charlestown, which followed it in 1828. While the original Puritan settlers of the colony were living, there was little inducement for Catholics to come and abide with them, and if either Miles Standish, William Mullins, his daughter Priscilla, or our own doughty captain and commander-in-chief of the NeweDame De Pitie, Harvey Street. The brick-making and other industries of Cambridge and Somerville have caused the collection of large numbers of French-speaking Catholics from the Canadas in the northern portion of our city and in Somerville. These people, feeling themselves sufficiently strong to constitute a separate congregatihe same charities, and in struggles for temperance and for good government. In Cambridge, since it became a city, there has existed the greatest charity between Catholics and Protestants, the most intelligent of both being conspicuous for their example of good — will and toleration; each freely granting to the other perfect freedo
96. Cambridge Royal Arch Chapter, 284. Cambridge Safe Deposit and Trust Co., 307-309. Cambridge Savings Bank, 309-311. Cambridge School for Girls, 214-217. Cambridge Town, 1750-1846, 14-34. Cambridge Village, now Newton, 8. Cambridge Water-Works, 113-118. Cambridge Wharf Company, 109. Canals: Broad, 30, 31, 109, 110, 127; West Dock, 30; South Dock, 30; Cross, 30. Cannon on the Common, 51, 52. Cantabrigia Club, 296. Captain's Island, 124. Car-building, 321. Catholics and their Churches, The, 244. Catholic temperance and charitable societies, 252. Catholic Union, 252. Cemetery Commissioners, 404. Charities, 259-261, 276. Charles II., intended to suppress the Company of Massachusetts Bay, 1. Charles River Bank, 304. Charles River embankment, advantages as a place of residence, 127. Charles River Embankment Company, 106, 107. Charles River Encampment, 286. Charles River National Bank, 304. Charles River Railroad, 399. Ch
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, Woman's rights. (search)
rs and husbands were Whigs. It would never do. It would produce endless quarrels. And the self-satisfied objector thinks he has settled the question. But, if the principle be a sound one, why not apply it m a still more important instance? Difference of religion breeds more quarrels than difference in politics. Yet we allow women to choose their own religious creeds, although we thereby run the risk of wives being Episcopalians while their husbands are Methodists, or daughters being Catholics while their fathers are Calvinists. Yet who, this side of Turkey, dare claim that the law should compel women to have no religious creed, or adopt that of their male relatives? Practically, this freedom in religion has made no difficulty; and probably equal freedom in politics would make as little. It is, after all, of little use to argue these social questions. These prejudices never were reasoned up, and, my word for it, they will never be reasoned down. The freedom of the press,
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 19 (search)
sachusetts Republican, a Massachusetts lawyer, a Massachusetts scholar, avows such sentiments, he puts himself below the Legrees. Blame not this plainness of speech. I have a hundred friends, as brave souls as God ever made, whose hearths are not as safe after honored men make such speeches. Faneuil Hall, too, kneels patient for its burden, and by its President that meeting says to the South,--Only name your terms, that is all we will trouble you to do. Like Luther's priest, who, when Catholics told him to pray one way and Protestants another, ended by repeating the alphabet, and begging God to frame a prayer agreeable to himself, so our Boston orator offers the South carte blanche the whole bundle of compromises,--Will she only condescend to indicate her preference? Mr. Dana is a man above the temptations of politics. The President of the Faneuil Hall meeting has no political aspirations, an independent merchant. Such speeches show how wide the gangrene of the Union spreads
Lydia Maria Child, Letters of Lydia Maria Child (ed. John Greenleaf Whittier, Wendell Phillips, Harriet Winslow Sewall), To the same. (search)
To the same. New York, July 14, 1848. My book The Progress of Religious Ideas through Successive Ages. By L. Maria Child. In three volumes. New York, 1855. gets slowly on. I am not sustained by the least hope that my mode of treating the subject will prove acceptable to any class of persons. No matter! I am going to tell the plain unvarnished truth, as clearly as I can understand it, and let Christians and Infidels, Orthodox and Unitarians, Catholics and Protestants and Swedenborgians, growl as they like. They all will growl if they notice the book at all; for each one will want to have his own theory favored, and the only thing I have conscientiously aimed at is not to favor any theory.... How queer it seems to me to read long arguments to prove that Philo must have had some idea of the Christian Trinity! Because Plato stands behind Christ, they cannot see him, though his head and shoulders are so plainly visible. One thing I have learned, in the course of my labors.
Mary Thacher Higginson, Thomas Wentworth Higginson: the story of his life, VII: the free church (search)
evenings were engaged in public speaking. He also preached in pulpits other than his own. These trips often took him some distance from home, and he wrote from Niagara:— . . . .My Congregation was good, including Mr. Barnum, whose autobiography I came very near unconsciously referring to. In the afternoon I spoke at one of a series of remarkable meetings for free talk on theological subjects which Mr. May started in a public hall. All sorts of persons take part, Methodists, Jews, Catholics, &c. and no one can speak but ten minutes. These absences from home not only gave a needed change, but took the young man among various interesting people. He wrote to his mother, after lecturing in Concord, that he had Mr. Emerson for an auditor which made me nearly dumb at first . . . . Last Saturday I was in Boston [Jan. 1853] and went to see no less a person than Mr. Thackeray— not as lion but as lecturer. We wanted him here for a new association and offered him $500 for 6
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, John Greenleaf Whittier, Chapter 7: Whittier as a social reformer (search)
eges, and they refused to return to work. The result of this disagreement terminated in the old operatives leaving, and in the employment of a large number of foreigners, which entirely changed the character of the operatives in Amesbury. Ms. Letter, Aug. 26, 1902. So in regard to spiritual liberty Whittier addressed a poem in indignation to Pius IX. after his acceptance of the French aid against his own people, but he added in a note:-- The writer of these lines is no enemy of Catholics. He has, on more than one occasion, exposed himself to the censures of his Protestant brethren, by his strenuous endeavours to procure indemnification for the owners of the convent destroyed near Boston. He defended the cause of the Irish patriots long before it had become popular in this country; and he was one of the first to urge the most liberal aid to the suffering and starving population of the Catholic island. The severity of his language finds its ample apology in the reluctant
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 4, Chapter 9: Journalist at large.—1868-1876. (search)
Protestant. When the decision of the Cincinnati Board of Education to discontinue Bible-reading in the schools was agitating that city, and exciting much discussion throughout the country, he warmly commended the action of the Board, deeming it as reasonable to insist that only the Ind. Nov. 11, 1869. Protestant religion shall be tolerated in the land as that our Protestant Bible shall be read in the public schools. If, he continued, this root of bitterness extracted, the Ibid. Catholics, or any other sect, shall refuse to accept of the common schools for the instruction of their children, and proceed to establish separate schools to represent their sectarian spirit and purpose, they can do so; but they may not therefore be gratified by the overthrow of that impartial, beneficent system which must be inflexibly adhered to as essential to the general welfare, the support of free institutions, the life of the Republic. So men who do not choose to vote may stay away from th
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 39: the debate on Toucey's bill.—vindication of the antislavery enterprise.—first visit to the West.—defence of foreign-born citizens.—1854-1855. (search)
y settled,—in one place by Pilgrims, who sought independence; in another by Puritans, who disowned bishops; it another by Episcopalians, who take their name from bishops; in another by Quakers, who set at nought all forms; and in yet another by Catholics, who look to the Pope as spiritual father. Slowly among the struggling sects was evolved that great idea of the equality of all men before the law, without regard to religious belief; nor can any party now organize a proscription merely for religious belief without calling in question this well-established principle. But Catholics are mostly foreigners, and on this account are condemned. Let us see if there be any reason in this and here indulge me with one word on foreigners. . . . . All will admit that any influence which they bring, hostile to our institutions, calculated to substitute priestcraft for religion, and bigotry for Christianity, must be deprecated and opposed. All will admit, too, that there must be some assuranc