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C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Xxxix. (search)
ith the admission of Missouri as a slaveholding State, and the prohibition of Slavery in all the remaining territory West of the Mississippi and North of 36° 30′. Here was a solemn act of legislation, called at the time a compromise, a covenant, a compact, first brought forward by the Slave Oligarchy—vindicated by it in debate—finally sanctioned by its votes, also upheld at the time by a slave-holding President, James Monroe, and his cabinet—of whom a majority were slaveholders, including Mr. Calhoun himself—and made the condition of the admission of Missouri—without which that State could not have been received into the Union. Suddenly, during the last year—without any notice in the public press or the prayer of a single petition—after an acquiescence of thirty-three years, and the irreclaimable possession by the Slave Oligarchy of its special share in the provisions of this Compromise—in violation of every obligation of honor, compact and good neighborhood—and in cont
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Lxv. (search)
g the condition of other territory south of this line, or subsequently acquired, untouched by the arrangement. Here was a solemn act of legislation, called at the time compromise, covenant, compact, first brought forward in this body by a slaveholder, vindicated in debate by slaveholders, finally sanctioned by slaveholding votes,—also upheld at the time by the essential approbation of a slaveholding President, James Monroe, and his Cabinet, of whom a majority were slaveholders, including Mr. Calhoun himself; and this compromise was made the condition of the admission of Missouri, without which that State could not have been received into the Union. The bargain was simple, and was applicable, of course, only to the territory named. Leaving all other territory to await the judgment of another generation, the South said to the North, Conquer your prejudices so far as to admit Missouri as a Slave State, and, in consideration of this much-coveted boon, Slavery shall be prohibited foreve
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Seventh: return to the Senate. (search)
aracter of Slavery, as a pretended form of Civilization, is put directly in issue, with a pertinacity and a hardihood which banish all reserve on this side. In these assumptions Senators from South Carolina naturally take the lead. Following Mr. Calhoun, who pronounced Slavery the most solid and durable foundation on which to rear free and stable political institutions, and Mr. McDuffie, who did not shrink from calling it the corner-stone of our republican edifice, the Senator from South Carf his face. Thus is the brand of degradation stamped upon that daily toil which contributes so much to a true Civilization. It is a constant boast in the Slave States, that white men there will not perform work performed in the Free States. Mr. Calhoun and Mr. Waddy Thompson made this boast. Let it be borne in mind, then, that, where Slavery prevails, there is not only despair for the black man, but inequality and ignominy for the white laborer. By necessary consequence, the latter, whethe
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Vi. (search)
water. There is austere work to be done, and Freedom cannot consent to fling away any of her weapons. If I were disposed to shrink from this discussion, the boundless assumptions made by Senators on the other side would not allow me. The whole character of Slavery, as a pretended form of Civilization, is put directly in issue, with a pertinacity and a hardihood which banish all reserve on this side. In these assumptions Senators from South Carolina naturally take the lead. Following Mr. Calhoun, who pronounced Slavery the most solid and durable foundation on which to rear free and stable political institutions, and Mr. McDuffie, who did not shrink from calling it the corner-stone of our republican edifice, the Senator from South Carolina [Mr. Hammond] insists that its frame of society is the best in the world; and his colleague [Mr. Chesnut] takes up the strain. One Senator from Mississippi [Mr. Jefferson Davis] adds, that Slavery is but a form of civil government for those wh
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Xvi. (search)
ree appointing labor as the duty of man, and declaring that in the sweat of his face shall he eat his bread. The Slave-Master says, No! this is true of the slave, of the black man, but not of the white man: he shall not eat his bread in the sweat of his face. Thus is the brand of degradation stamped upon that daily toil which contributes so much to a true Civilization. It is a constant boast in the Slave States, that white men there will not perform work performed in the Free States. Mr. Calhoun and Mr. Waddy Thompson made this boast. Let it be borne in mind, then, that, where Slavery prevails, there is not only despair for the black man, but inequality and ignominy for the white laborer. By necessary consequence, the latter, whether emigrating from our Free States or fleeing from oppression and wretchedness in his European home, avoids a region disabled by such a social law. Hence a twofold injustice: practically he is excluded from the land, while the land itself becomes a pr
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 2, Chapter 2: Germs of contention among brethren.—1836. (search)
hey were directed. The Southern delegates in Congress could not agree as to modes of repression; they even had still some respect for Constitutional principles. Calhoun would Lib. 6.26, 34. not trust Congress with the power to determine what was incendiary, and what tended to excite insurrection: the abolitionists would in time ons for the abolition of slavery in the District. The honester Southern members acknowledged the power of Congress in the premises; others, following the lead of Calhoun, denied it, and were for summarily rejecting the petitions—in Benton, Vol. 1, Chaps. 130, 135. other words, suppressing the right of petition on that subject. Ths message, and the conduct of the South generally have caused many to think favorably of immediate emancipation who never before inclined to it ( Memoir, 1: 173). Calhoun, personifying the remorseless logic of slavery; Houston, exemplifying its reckless filibustering spirit, combined to draw after them the more moderate elements.
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 2, Chapter 3: the Clerical appeal.—1837. (search)
ody when William Slade, of Vermont, presenting a petition for the abolition of slavery in the District, moved (the gag-rule having again lapsed) its reference to the proper committee, with instructions to report a bill; that, after an excited caucus, a fresh gag Called Patton's, after the mover, a Virginian. It forbade even the reading of the petitions. It was summarily adopted by the previous question on Dec. 21, 1837. Lib. 8.15, 9.30. was hastily imposed for the new session; and that Calhoun introduced in the Senate resolutions declaring the Lib. 8.3, 7, 11, 13, 14. suppression of the anti-slavery agitation a Government duty in the interest of domestic tranquillity, and opposition to the increase of slave territory an attempt to impair the equality of the States under the Constitution, as in effect disfranchising the slaveholding States. In these sentiments of his old opponent Ex-President Jackson had fully concurred on withdrawing from public Lib. 7.43, 99. life in a fare
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 2, Chapter 4: Pennsylvania Hall.—the non-resistance society.—1838. (search)
ee on Foreign Affairs, entrusted with the subject of Texan annexation, Lib. 8.101. pocketed, without bestowing the least attention on them, the various State resolves against the measure—an affront to State sovereignty without a parallel; even Calhoun (in the case of the Vermont anti-Texas resolutions) not Lib. 8.13. being prepared to exclude such privileged communications. And while silence was thus imposed on States as upon individuals, in regard to vital and fundamental political questions, because slavery was involved in them, Senator Preston, the colleague of Calhoun, was winning the applause of his section by declaring in his seat, that if an abolitionist come within the borders of South Lib. 8.11. Carolina, and we can catch him, we will try him, and, notwithstanding all the interference of all the governments of the earth, including this Federal Government, we will hang him. This lawless and savage threat was heard without remonstrance by the senators from Lib. 8.159,
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 2, Index to volumes I. And II. (search)
force's funeral, 379; talk with G. as to Thompson, 436; meets G. again, 2.385, 387.—Letters to G., 1.369, E. Wright, 1.425.— See as to portrait, 1.359. Byron, Lady [1792-1860], talk with G., 2.376, dines with him, 387. Cabot, Susan, 2.55. Calhoun, John Caldwell [1782-1850], ultra proslavery leader, 2.81; bill to keep A. S. matter from South, 1.232, his own mail tampered with, 500, plan for pro-slavery censorship of mail, 2.74, 104; calls on Government to suppress abolition, 197, 248; wouudge, 1.514. Prescott, Edward G., 2.28, 29. Prescott, William Hickling [1796-1859], 1.439. Preston, Jonas, 1.207. Preston, William Campbell [1794-1860], admits growing power of abolitionists, 2.81, 82; would hang them in S. C., 247; proves Calhoun inconsistent, 248. Price, Joseph T., 1.353. Price, Thomas, Rev., Editor Eclectic Review, 1.354; refuses Cresson his chapel, 356. Pringle, Thomas, 1.226. Providence (R. I.), colored petition for suffrage, 1.256.—See Rhode Island. Pugh<
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 13 (search)
xamples; two great men, remarkably alike. Neither of them ever had an original idea. [Laughter.] Neither kept long any idea he borrowed. Both borrowed from any quarter, high or low, north or south, friend or enemy. Both were weathercocks, not winds; creatures, not creators. Yet Peel died England's idol,--the unquestioned head of the statesmen of the age; Webster the disgraced and bankrupt chief of a broken and ruined party. Why? Examine the difference. Webster borrowed free trade of Calhoun, and tariff of Clay; took his constitutional principles from Marshall, his constitutional learning from Story, and his doctrine of treason from Mr. George Ticknor Curtis [laughter]; and he followed Channing and Garrison a little way, then turned doughface in the wake of Douglas and Davis [applause and a few hisses]; at first, with Algernon Sidney (my blood boils yet as I think how I used to declaim it), he declared the best legacy he could leave his children was free speech and the example
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