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erses, and began a friendly correspondence with Bute. All his dispositions are good, said Secker, tplishing this purpose, he cherished the Earl of Bute, whom he valued only because he found in him antions and public affairs of his country. Had Bute been left to his own resources, he must have fanisters, and throw up in seeming anger, so that Bute might then come in without appearing to displache wardenship of the Cinque Ports for life; and Bute, on the king's own recommendation, That Jenkinson was recommended by the king to Bute, and not, as is sometimes said, introduced by Bute to the twenty-fifth day of March, within five days of Bute's accession to the cabinet, on occasion of prop character; and his ministers had reported that Bute and the British king would advise him to make p it disables their hands and strengthens ours. Bute, speaking the opinion of the king, was the firsthe policy of Pitt by the concerted junction of Bute and all the great Whig Lords. The minister att[16 more...]
ate; Dodington, now raised to the peerage as the ostentatious and childless lord Melcombe, wished Bute joy of being delivered of a most impracticable colleague, his Majesty of a most imperious servant, and the country of a most dangerous minister. But Bute at the moment had misgivings; for he saw that his own situation was become more perilous. The Earl of Egremont, Pitt's successor, was a sonn, in Ireland, and in America. I was bred and will die a monarchy man, said Melcombe, who was to Bute what Bute was to George the Third; men of the city are not to demand reasons of measures; they muBute was to George the Third; men of the city are not to demand reasons of measures; they must and they easily may be taught better manners. He is the best and most amiable master that ever lived since the days of Titus, said Barrington of the king, to whom he devoted himself entirely; havi to Jasper Mauduit, who, though a Dissenter, was connected through his brother with Jenkinson and Bute and the king. But the great subject of discontent was the enforcement of the Acts of Trade by
undred thousand pounds to be used as bribes, Bute to Keith, 6. Feb. 1762, in Raumer, II. 492. Th of that friendship was a source of anxiety. Bute to Keith, 26 February, 1762, in Raumer, II. 501 Mitchell, 9 April, 1762. of this nation, wrote Bute, at the king's command, is the employment of itlding the subsidy from Prussia to indulge with Bute his habit of chap XIX.} 1762. complaint. But rage of the younger Penn, at the suggestion of Bute, became his successor. When New York refusedpeal was irresistible, and, by the direction of Bute and his colleagues, all of whom favored America. Judge of Grenville's countenance, said he to Bute, by that of his brother, Earl of Temple, at the cabinet was changed by the capture of Havana. Bute was indifferent to further acquisitions in Amer, XXVII. The king's rest is not disturbed, said Bute; he is pleased to have people fairly take off tm an unwillingness to attach himself to Fox and Bute, and not from any apprehension of the sweeping [11 more...]
ime power, the interests, the security, the tranquillity, and the honor of England. The judgment of mankind, out of England, then and ever chap. XX.} 1762. since, has pronounced on it similar decisions. For once, to the surprise of every body, Bute spoke well, rising in its defence in the House of Lords. I wish, said he, no better inscription on my tomb than that I was its author. On the morning of the ninth of December, the very day on which the preliminaries were to be discussed in parledecessor, she abandoned his projects of war and revenge, and in the midsummer of 1762, recalling the Russian army, she gave to the world the instructive lesson of moderation and neutrality. The territories of Prussia, which France had evacuated, Bute left, as he said, to be scrambled for; but there was no one to win them from Frederic; and after seven years of unequalled effort against the aristocracies and despotisms of continental Europe, the hero of Prussia won a triumph for freedom by the
it; while every letter that has since come to light, goes to show such a readiness on the part of Bute, and, for a time, of Grenville to gratify Fox, that he himself was satisfied and avowed his purpo the higher office of a Secretary of State; but, in the handsomest manner, wished to be omitted. Bute to Grenville, 1 April, 1763, in Grenville Papers, II. 41. As to the other insinuation, the concealment of Bute's purpose of resigning, whether blamable or not, was the act of Bute himself, with whom Fox negotiated directly. I am come from Lord Bute, writes Fox to the Duke of Cumberland, on thBute himself, with whom Fox negotiated directly. I am come from Lord Bute, writes Fox to the Duke of Cumberland, on the 30 Sept. 1762, more than ever convinced that he never has had, nor now has, a thought of retiring or treating. Alhemarle's Memoirs of Rockingham, i. 132. That Fox was with Bute repeatedly before sBute repeatedly before superseding Grenville in the lead of the House of Commons, appears from Albemarle, i. 127, 129 and 132. Bedford Correspondence, III. 124 and 133. That Fox did not regard this concealment as an offenc
had been instigated to attack chap. XII.} 1765. May 19. him by Lord Bute; for he saw the hand of Bute in every thing that he disliked. Believe no such thing, said the king. I shall give every orderhe great post that presented itself as a supplicant at my gate; but, in his excessive jealousy of Bute, and his newly revived affection for his brother, he refused to royalty the small alms which it bn the terms offered him for his capitulation. They were, that he should renew assurances against Bute's meddling in state affairs; that Mackenzie, Bute's brother, should be dismissed from his employmBute's brother, should be dismissed from his employment and place; that Lord Holland, the adviser of the plan for the regency bill, should meet with the same treatment; that Granby should be appointed commander-in-chief, to the exclusion of Cumberland; to his uncle he obtained a modification; and no one was made commander-in-chief. He agreed that Bute should never, directly or indirectly, publicly or pri- chap. XII.} 1765. May. vately, have any
e coldness of the court, was growing weary of public life and wished to retire. On the twelfth of June, being resolved once more on an explanation, he recapitulated to his sovereign in person what had passed between him and his ministers on their resuming their functions, when he had promised them his countenance and support. chap. XV.} 1765. June. Has this promise, he demanded, been kept? On the contrary, are not almost all our bitter enemies countenanced in public? Has not the earl of Bute, as the favorite, interfered, at least indirectly, in public councils, with the utmost hazard to himself, and risk to the king's quiet and the safety of the public? I hope your majesty will be pleased to give you countenance to your ministers, and for the future let your support and your authority go together; or else that you will give your authority where you are pleased to give your favor. The king only answered, that he was much hurt at being told of consulting Lord Bute. That his sile
illustrates a proverb of two thousand years ago. The letter of Durand is not conclusive, but Walpole had good means of information; Grafton says that Grenville was never liked by the King; and the Grenville Diary for 1765, fully accounts for the King's invincible repugnance to a minister whose stubbornness had made him turn red and even shed tears.—The King himself has the greatest distrust of those who would rule him, so that he never will let any one prevail, said the Princess Amelia; were Bute and the Princess of Wales no more, Ministers would not be more stable. Durand to Choiseul, 16 Sept. 1767. Following his own sure instinct, he directed that the vacant place Chap. XXX.} 1767. Sept. should be offered to Lord North. Receiving the summons, North hastened to London, declined the office from fear of his inability to cope with Grenville on questions of finance, returned to the country, and changed his mind just in season to accept North to Grafton, 10 Sept. 1767. Charles L
ty years, the foreign politics of England were on the side of liberty. It had a majority for Newcastle after Chap. XXXII.} 1768. March he had ejected Pitt; for Bute when he dismissed Newcastle; for Grenville so long as he was the friend of Bute; for Grenville, when he became Bute's most implacable foe; and for the slender capaBute; for Grenville, when he became Bute's most implacable foe; and for the slender capacity of the inexperienced Rockingham. The shadow of Chatham, after his desertion of the House, could sway its decisions. When Charles Townshend, rebelling in the Cabinet, seemed likely to become Minister, it listened to him. When Townshend died, North easily restored subordination. Nor was it less impudent as to measures. ItBute's most implacable foe; and for the slender capacity of the inexperienced Rockingham. The shadow of Chatham, after his desertion of the House, could sway its decisions. When Charles Townshend, rebelling in the Cabinet, seemed likely to become Minister, it listened to him. When Townshend died, North easily restored subordination. Nor was it less impudent as to measures. It promoted the alliance with the King of Prussia and deserted him; it protected the issue of general warrants, and utterly condemned them; it passed the Stamp Act, and it repealed the Stamp Act; it began to treat America with tenderness, then veered about, imposed new taxes, changed essentially American Constitutions, and showed a
s, by its own act of taxation, to levy on the colonies a revenue towards maintaining their military establishment. Townshend, as the head of the board of trade, was unfolding the plan in the Chap. Xlviii} 1775. Aug. house of commons just before Bute retired. The execution of the design fell to George Grenville. Now Grenville conceived himself to be a whig of the straitest sect, for he believed implicitly in the absolute power of parliament, and this belief he regarded as the great principhs of them had no voice whatever. The agitation of reform for England was long deferred; the question was precipitated upon America. In the very next year, Charles Townshend, resuming the system which he had advocated in the administration of Bute, proposed a parliamentary tax to be Chap. Xlviii} 1775. Aug. collected in America on tea, glass, paper, and painters' colors, and introduced the tax by a preamble, asserting that it is expedient that a revenue should be raised in his majesty's do