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Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Book and heart: essays on literature and life 2 0 Browse Search
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 2 2 0 Browse Search
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 2 2 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Henry Walcott Boynton, Reader's History of American Literature 2 0 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 2 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 2 0 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4 2 0 Browse Search
Laura E. Richards, Maud Howe, Florence Howe Hall, Julia Ward Howe, 1819-1910, in two volumes, with portraits and other illustrations: volume 1 2 0 Browse Search
Margaret Fuller, Memoirs of Margaret Fuller Ossoli (ed. W. H. Channing) 2 0 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: March 24, 1865., [Electronic resource] 2 0 Browse Search
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The writings of John Greenleaf Whittier, Volume 3. (ed. John Greenleaf Whittier), Anti-Slavery Poems (search)
d the chaste temple, and the classic grove, The hall of sages, and the bowers of love, Arch, fane, and column, graced the shores, and gaye Their shadows to the blue Saronic wave; And statelier rose, on Tiber's winding side, The Pantheon's dome, the Coliseum's pride, The Capitol, whose arches backward flung The deep, clear cadence of the Roman tongue, Whence stern decrees, like words of fate, went forth To the awed nations of a conquered earth, Where the proud Caesars in their glory came, And Brutus lightened from his lips of flame! Yet in the porches of Athena's halls, And in the shadow of her stately walls, Lurked the sad bondman, and his tears of woe Wet the cold marble with unheeded flow; And fetters clanked beneath the silver dome Of the proud Pantheon of imperious Rome. Oh, not for him, the chained and stricken slave, By Tiber's shore, or blue Aegina's wave, In the thronged forum, or the sages' seat, The bold lip pleaded, and the warm heart beat; No soul of sorrow melted at his
The writings of John Greenleaf Whittier, Volume 7. (ed. John Greenleaf Whittier), Democracy and slavery. (search)
7. Meanwhile the South had wellnigh forgotten the actual significance of the teachings of its early political prophets, and their renewal in the shape of abolitionism was, as might have been expected, strange and unwelcome. Pleasant enough it had been to hold up occasionally these democratic abstractions for the purpose of challenging the world's admiration and cheaply acquiring the character of lovers of liberty and equality. Frederick of Prussia, apostrophizing the shades of Cato and Brutus, Vous de la liberte heros que je revere, while in the full exercise of his despotic power, was quite as consistent as these democratic slave-owners, whose admiration of liberty increased in exact ratio with its distance from their own plantations. They had not calculated upon seeing their doctrine clothed with life and power, a practical reality, pressing for application to their slaves as well as to themselves. They had not taken into account the beautiful ordination of Providence, that n
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 2, 17th edition., Chapter 16: (search)
il and oppression, the Quaker claimed the right to be present with a remonstrance. He delivered his opinions freely before Cromwell and Charles II., in face of the gallows in New England, in the streets of London, before the English commons. The heaviest penalties, that bigotry could devise, never induced him to swerve a hair's breadth from his purpose of speaking freely and Barclay publicly. This was his method of resisting tyranny. Algernon Sydney, who took money from Louis XIV., like Brutus, would have plunged a dagger into the breast of a tyrant; the Quaker, without a bribe, resisted tyranny by appeals to the monitor in the tyrant's breast, and he labored incessantly to advance reform by enlightening the public conscience. Any other method of revolution he believed an impossibility. Government—such was his belief—will always be as the people are; and a people imbued with the love of liberty, create the irresistible necessity of a free government. He sought no revolution, b
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition., Chapter 13: (search)
erted all their powers to moderate the tone of the hot and virulent resolutions; Fauquier to Lords of Trade, 5 June, 1765, and 11 May, 1776. while John Randolph, the best lawyer in the colony, singly Dunmore to Dartmouth, 25 June, 1775. resisted the whole proceeding. But, on the other side, George Johnston, of Fairfax, reasoned with solidity and firmness, and Henry flamed with impassioned zeal. Lifted beyond himself, Tarquin, he cried, and Caesar, chap XIII.} 1765 May. had each his Brutus; Charles the First, his Cromwell; and George the Third—— Treason! shouted the Speaker; treason, treason! was echoed round the house, while Henry, fixing his eye on the first interrupter, continued without faltering, may profit by their example! Letter from Virginia, 14 June, 1765. In the London Gazetteer of 13 Aug. 1765; and in General Advertiser to New-York Thursday's Gazette, 31 Oct. 1765. Swayed by his words, the committee of the whole showed its good will to the spirit of all t
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition., Chapter 18: (search)
eighing each word and phrase which they were to adopt, it was rumored that a ship laden with stamps had arrived. At once, all the vessels in the harbor lowered their colors in sign of grief. The following night, papers were posted up at the doors of every public office, and at the corners of the streets, in the name of the country, threatening the first man that should either distribute or make use of stamped paper. Assure yourselves, thus the stamp distributors were warned, the spirit of Brutus and Cassius is yet alive. The people grew more and more inflamed, declaring, we will not submit to the Stamp Act upon any account, or in any instance. In this, we will no more submit to parliament than to the Divan at Constantinople. We will ward it off till we can get France or Spain to protect us. From mouth to mouth flew the words of John Adams, You have rights antecedent to all earthly government; rights that cannot be repealed or restrained by human laws; rights derived from the Gre
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 6, 10th edition., Chapter 32: (search)
nstantly taken Chap. XXXII.} 1768. March down by the friends of the people. The Governor endeavored to magnify the atrociousness of the insult, and to express fears of violence; the Council justly insisted there was no danger of disturbance. The day was celebrated Boston Gazette of 21 March, 1768; 677, 3, 1. by a temperate festival, at which toasts were drunk to the Freedom of the Press, to Paoli and the Corsicans, to the joint freedom of America and Ireland; to the immortal memory of Brutus, Cassius, Hampden and Sidney. Those who dined together broke up early. There was no bonfire lighted, and in the evening, these are Hutchinson's Hutchinson to Richard Jackson, 23 March, 1768. words, written within the week of the event, we had only such a mob as we have long been used to on the Fifth of November, and other holidays. Gage Gage to the Secretary of State, 31 October, 1768. too, who afterwards made careful inquiry in Boston, declared the disturbance to have been trifling
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 6, 10th edition., Chapter 47: (search)
udden, complete collision with ancient usage was avoided. If the Charter of the Province had been taken away, Compare Massachusetts Gazette, 21 Jan. 1771. even the moderate would have held themselves absolved from their allegiance. Compare Brutus in Boston Gazette of 11 Feb. 1771; 827, 1, 1, and of Monday, 4 March, 830, 1, 2; and letters of Eliot and Cooper. But the appointment of a native Bostonian as Governor, seemed to many a pledge of relenting; and his plausible professions hushed thcan freedom is Oct. nearly completed. A tyranny seems to be at the very door. They who lie under oppression deserve what they suffer; let them perish with their oppressors. Could millions be enslaved if all possessed the independent spirit of Brutus, who to his immortal honor, expelled the tyrant of Rome, and his royal Chap. XLVII.} 1771. Oct. and rebellious race? The liberties of our country are worth defending at all hazards. If we should suffer them to be wrested from us, millions yet
The Daily Dispatch: November 22, 1860., [Electronic resource], Bad news for Wine drinkers. (search)
ting sketch of his career, says that this famous commander was a man of short stature and common-place appearance. He was shabby in dress, and somewhat dirty. Officers who have served under him say that he was a trifle too fond of rum and of equivocal jokes; moreover, that personal cleanliness did not constitute one of his attributes; he was, in fact, nicknamed "Dirty Charley," but whether from the fondness for the aforesaid jokes, or from lack of soap, we cannot say. He was no orator, "as Brutus is," but he had a strong, homely manner of expressing himself, which told with any audience but the House of Commons. As a legislator, history will be silent with regard to him as an officer, or rather as the intelligent leader and commander, there will be great doubts as to his merits; but as a brave man, a thorough seaman, and a fearless vindicator of what he conceived to be his country's rights, there will be no difference of opinion. His very name was synonymous with heroism and daring
The Daily Dispatch: February 26, 1861., [Electronic resource], Terrible tragedy. (search)
Black Republican cohorts show no signs of compromise. It is now believed that Weed has the inside track for the spoils, a fact which harrows the sensibilities of the patriotic Horace to the core. He professes to have no taste nor scent for the official larder, nevertheless, because Mr. Seward, in the innocence of his unsophisticated nature, did not offer him that which he supposed he would not have, he defeated the Presidential aspirations of Seward at Chicago and secured the nomination of the "Honest Old Ape" of Illinois. Now comes Seward's revenge. He is made Premier, and his trusty Lieutenant, Thurlow Weed, outgeneraling Greeley at every move, is believed to control the dispensation of the official patronage. To a man of Horace's high sense of honor, this ingratitude of Lincoln must be as crushing as the dagger with which "the well beloved Brutus"" stabbed the Roman tyrant. We expect to hear soon that "Ingratitude, more keen than traitor's steel," has made an end of Greeley.
The Daily Dispatch: May 4, 1861., [Electronic resource], article 1 (search)
conspicuous contrast with the pomp and pageantry that shone from the brilliant walls and marble pillars of the Old Mansion, "where all that the Devil would do if run stark road, was so often let loose." There can be no doubt that the greatest unity of feeling and fraternal co-operation will characterize all the proceedings of our Congress. The determination of its members, as derived from their private and public expressions, is to die before retreat from the insolent and menacing foe. Like Brutus, who slew Caesar because he dared to encroach upon the liberties of Rome, they have slain the old United States Government, because it sought to deprive a free people of their rights and despoil their property by chaining them to the car of an abolition and infamous dynasty; and now that their own sunny homes are sought to be dyed with their own blood, will fight as Kosciusko fought, and, if needs be, will fall as Kosciusko fell, fighting for his country — each showing the unconquerable spir
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