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Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, The murder of Lovejoy. (search)
unned into sobriety. They saw that of which we cannot judge, the necessity of resistance. Insulted law called for it. Public opinion, fast hastening on the downward course, must be arrested. Does not the event show they judged rightly? Absorbed in a thousand trifles, how has the nation all at once come to a stand? Men begin, as in 1776 and 1640, to discuss principles, to weigh characters, to find out where they are. Haply we may awake before we are borne over the precipice. I am glad, Sir, to see this crowded house. It is good for us to be here. When Liberty is in danger, Faneuil Hall has the right, it is her duty, to strike the key-note for these United States. I am glad, for one reason, that remarks such as those to which I have alluded have been uttered here. The passage of these resolutions, in spite of this opposition, led by the Attorney-General of the Commonwealth, will show more clearly, more decisively, the deep indignation with which Boston regards this outage.
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 10 (search)
the populace, that they did not murder Mr. Garrison on the spot! And this is the journal which Boston literature regards as its organ, and which Boston wealth befools itself by styling respectable !n of 1835. Those howling wolves in the streets were not Boston. These brave men and women were Boston. We will remember no other. I never open the statute-book of Massachusetts with out thankingk and troubled wave, and connects us by a living nerve with the freemen of the Revolution,--that Boston, though betrayed by her magistrates, her wealth, her press, and her pulpits, never utterly bowed same stone is your own fault, says the Spanish proverb. I came here to-day to thank God that Boston never wanted a person to claim his inalienable right to utter his thoughts on the subject of sladeems it is the heroism that consecrated this hall, and one house in Hollis Street, places which Boston will yet make pilgrimages to honor. The only thing that Americans (for let us be Americans to
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 16 (search)
h, always laid up in cotton! [Laughter and applause.] They say, if you stand on the prairie of an August night at full moon, you can hear the corn grow, so quick are nature's processes out there. Had you been by Governor Seward that day, you might have heard him grow. [Loud applause.] And as Seward grows, so grow millions of others, and so the world moves. The sword, says Victor Hugo, is but a hideous flash in the darkness,--Right is an eternal ray. Wait! Be patient In 1760, what Boston rebel boys felt, James Otis spoke, George Washington achieved, and Everett praises to-day. The same routine will go on. What fanatics feel, Garrison prints, some future Seward will achieve, and, at the safe distance of half a century, some courtly Everett will embalm in matchless panegyrics. [Cheers.] You see exactly what my hopes rest upon. Growth! The Republican party have undertaken a problem, the solution of which will force them to our position. Not Mr. Seward's Union and liberty
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 21 (search)
of those four millions of bondsmen, I deny her right to secede. [Applause.] Seventy years has the Union postponed the negro. For seventy years has he been beguiled with the promise, as she erected one bulwark after another around slavery, that he should have the influence of our common institutions. I claim it to-day. Never, with my consent, while the North thinks that the Union can or shall mean justice, shall those four hundred thousand South Carolina slaves go beyond the influence of Boston ideas. That is my strong reason for clinging to the Union. This is also one main reason why, unless upon most imperative and manifest grounds of need and right, South Carolina has no right of revolution; none till she fulfils her promise in this respect. I know how we stand to-day, with the frowning cannon of the English fleet ready to be thrust out of the port-holes against us. But I can answer England with a better answer than William H. Seward can write. I can answer her with a more