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Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 8. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 1 1 Browse Search
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peculiar elements of popularity in illustrious service and national reputation, which Grant and Blaine and Sherman, his three competitors before the Convention, all enjoyed. His friends soon found tents of Grant were chagrined at their defeat and many still held aloof, while the followers of Mr. Blaine, who had thrown their votes for Garfield rather than consent to the nomination of Grant, were ither to Grant or me that he found the indorsement valuable. When it was first announced that Blaine was to be made Secretary of State, Grant would not believe the appointment possible, and after is extreme. At first he declared that he should withhold all support from the Administration if Blaine became a member; but he soon thought better of this and went to Washington a few days after the of New York had been made which brought about the famous political contest between Garfield and Blaine on one side, and Grant, Conkling, and Arthur on the other. Robertson, whose course at Chicago h
Grant and Blaine. Grant's relations with Blaine were always amicable, up to the time when the d be sent to London. Accordingly, I went to Mr. Blaine, who was quite ready to oblige General Grantisit to Switzerland, and at Geneva, a son of Mr. Blaine was often in his company, and always welcomedacy for a third term came from the friends of Blaine; and in the preliminary canvass all the ordinand who should have remembered the obligation. Blaine was an avowed antagonist, and at liberty to fiidency was to be made, and then the friends of Blaine became extremely anxious for an accommodation.ing to be propitiated. He certainly preferred Blaine to Arthur, as a candidate, but he refused to t Grant admitted that he desired the success of Blaine as an alternative. After the nomination he ofhom he wished his own memoirs presented, and Mr. Blaine's name was among them. The exchange of courtesies upon the presentation of Blaine's book took place only a few months before the death of the[38 more...]
but they would be glad to give you the place vacated—or to be vacated by young Blaine. If that would do suggest it to the Sec. or Asst. Sec. and no doubt it could -eight. The first part of this letter is given in Chapter XXXIX on Grant and Blaine. The paper spoken of recommended an absolute protection by the Government of letter of yesterday. I write because of your allusion to hearing a rumor that Blaine and I had formed a combination politically. You may deny the statement most peremptorily. I have not seen Blaine to speak to him since a long time before the Convention of 1880. We have had no communication in writing, through other parties n and combinations of politicians. I read yesterday a circumstantial account of Blaine & I spending a week or two together recently when without doubt we had fixed up matters for 1884, Blaine to be President and I Senator from this state. The republican party to be saved must have a decisive declared policy. It has now no observ
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 13. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), The Republic of Republics. (search)
of such evidence is beyond the range of our imagination, especially of the last — the Republic of Republics. Any charge of treason on the South or its sons after this is simply puerile. The man who makes it is ridiculous, be he Conger or be he Blaine, and that is all it is necessary to say of him. To alter and interpolate, without the consent of a nation, its title deed to its rights and liberties, to alter which is the same as to forge the contract which establishes the obligations of a peod falsehood rests. If vows, sacred vows, were broken, they will invoke this book to show by whom it was done. The brutal and vulgar denunciations of Chandler and Conger, or the scarcely more respectable, but smoother and subtler, chicaneries of Blaine, will not serve to distract public attention, or call off public pursuit, from those who were once willing to make a false promise to secure a benefit, and not ashamed afterwards to break it for a profit. The efforts which certain Northern speak
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 16. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), The Old South. (search)
ecutive chair the whole Union comprised but 830,789 square miles. By his wise policy and diplomacy, he won, without one drop of bloodshed, for the paltry sum of $15,000,000, that vast territory out of which have been carved nine great States and six large Territories, embracing in all 1,282,005 square miles, or 415,216 square miles more than the United States possessed before his administration. That is, he doubled the area of the United States, and had this respectable slice left over. Mr. Blaine, in his recent speech at St. Louis, said in reference to this grand achievement: In the annals of American greatness, Jefferson deserves to be ranked as the second Washington. Monroe found a troublesome neighbor in Florida, and by the payment of $5,000,000, with a few hangings by Andrew Jackson thrown in, he made loyal citizens of the United States out of the Spaniards and mongrel breeds in that territory, and enlarged the area of the Union by 58,680 square miles. Next came the annexa
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 17. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Andersonville prison. (search)
me. An immediate resumption of exchanges would have had that effect without giving us corresponding benefits. The suffering said to exist among our prisoners South was a powerful argument against the course pursued, and I so felt it. Hill to Blaine. During the amnesty debate in the House of Representatives in 1876, Hill, of Georgia, replying to statements of Blaine, discussed the history of the exchange of prisoners, dwelling on the fact that the cartel which was established in 1862 was Blaine, discussed the history of the exchange of prisoners, dwelling on the fact that the cartel which was established in 1862 was interrupted in 1863, and that the Federal authorities refused to continue the exchange of prisoners. The next effort, he said, in the same direction was made in January, 1864, when Robert Ould, Confederate agent of exchange, wrote to the Federal agent of exchange, proposing, in view of the difficulties attending the release of prisoners, that the surgeons of the army on each side be allowed to attend their own soldiers while prisoners in the hands of the enemy, and should have charge of their n
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 34. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), chapter 1.6 (search)
The United States could afford to maintain as many prisoners as it could capture of the Confederate armies. They could draw from the whole world for both men and money to meet their demands in emergency. They could and did hire foreigners as soldiers for bounty, while native Southerners went to war without hire. The total number of Federal prisoners captured by the Confederates was 270,000 by the report of Surgeon General Barnes, as quoted by Congressman Hill in his famous reply to Blaine, as shown by the official records in the War Department at Washington. The whole number of Confederare prisoners captured by the Federals was 220,000. At once it is seen that the Federals were 50,000 more than the Confederates. The number of Federals who died in Confederate prisons was 32,576, and the number of Confederates who died in Federal prisons was 26,436. So it appears, by official records, that more than 12 per cent. of the Confederate prisoners in Federal prisons died, and
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 37. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Jefferson Davis. (search)
ngress of the United States, a bill was introduced to grant universal amnesty to all persons engaged on the Southern side in the late war between those States. Mr. Blaine, now the Senator from the State of Maine, urged upon the House that the bill should by name exclude the Honorable Jefferson Davis, President of the late Southerion, for the reason that Mr. Davis had conducted the war in a manner not permitted by the rules of civilized nations, especially in the treatment of prisoners. Mr. Blaine's speech was very violent, and intended to further increase any unfriendly feeling which may yet exist against Mr. Davis, and, as there was no cause for personaing organ of the Republican party in America, and is so generally, accepted as an authentic and full refutation of those charges, reiterated at this late day by Mr. Blaine, that we think it advisable to publish it in a form more durable than that afforded by the pages of a daily newspaper, and likewise bring it within reach of all