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William Schouler, A history of Massachusetts in the Civil War: Volume 2 1,245 1,245 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 666 666 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Massachusetts in the Army and Navy during the war of 1861-1865, vol. 2 260 260 Browse Search
Brigadier-General Ellison Capers, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 5, South Carolina (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 197 197 Browse Search
George P. Rowell and Company's American Newspaper Directory, containing accurate lists of all the newspapers and periodicals published in the United States and territories, and the dominion of Canada, and British Colonies of North America., together with a description of the towns and cities in which they are published. (ed. George P. Rowell and company) 190 190 Browse Search
Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buell, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War: The Opening Battles. Volume 1. 93 93 Browse Search
The Photographic History of The Civil War: in ten volumes, Thousands of Scenes Photographed 1861-65, with Text by many Special Authorities, Volume 8: Soldier Life and Secret Service. (ed. Francis Trevelyan Miller) 88 88 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 30. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 82 82 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 79 79 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 75 75 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government. You can also browse the collection for 1861 AD or search for 1861 AD in all documents.

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tes wished to withdraw from the Union, they should be allowed to do so; that any attempt to compel them to remain, by force, would be contrary to the principles of the Declaration of Independence and to the fundamental ideas upon which human liberty is based; and that, if the Declaration of Independence justified the secession from the British Empire of three millions of subjects in 1776, it was not seen why it would not justify the secession of five millions of Southerners from the Union in 1861. Again, it was said by the same journal that sooner than compromise with the South and abandon the Chicago platform, they would let the Union slide. Taunting expressions were freely used—as, for example, If the Southern people wish to leave the Union we will do our best to forward their views. All this, it must be admitted, was quite consistent with the oft-repeated declaration that the Constitution was a covenant with hell, which stood as the caption of a leading abolitionist paper of B
ree chapters and the extracts from the records of a generation now departed have been presented as necessary to a right understanding of the nature and principles of the compact of 1787, on which depended the questions at issue in the secession of 1861 and the contest that ensued between the states. We have seen that the united colonies, when they declared their independence, formed a league or alliance with one another as United States. This title antedated the adoption of the Articles of Cfit and that of their posterity. Englishmen, the early settlers, brought this idea to the wilds of America, and it found expression in many forms among the infant colonies. Edward Everett, in his Fourth-of-July address delivered in New York in 1861, following the lead of Judge Story, and with even less caution, boldly declares that, before their independence of England was asserted, they [the colonies] constituted a provincial people. To sustain this position—utterly contrary to all history
r posterity. The States are not named in it; nearly all the characteristic powers of sovereignty are expressly granted to the General Government and expressly prohibited to the States. See address by Edward Everett at the Academy of Music, New York, July 4, 1861. Mr. Everett afterward repeats the assertion that the States are not named in it. Ibid. But a yet more extraordinary statement of the one people theory is found in a letter addressed to the London Times, in the same year, 1861, on the Causes of the civil war, by John Lothrop Motley, afterward Minister to the Court of St. James. In this letter Motley says of the Constitution of the United States: It was not a compact. Who ever heard of a compact to which there were no parties? or who ever heard of a compact made by a single party with himself? Yet the name of no State is mentioned in the whole document; the States themselves are only mentioned to receive commands or prohibitions; and the people of the Unite
With the failure of the Senate Committee of Thirteen to come to any agreement, the last reasonable hope of a pacific settlement of difficulties within the Union was extinguished in the minds of those most reluctant to abandon the effort. The year 1861 opened, as we have seen, upon the spectacle of a general belief, among the people of the planting states, in the necessity of an early secession, as the only possible alternative left them. It has already been shown that the calmness and deliben persistently reiterated, for party purposes—yet it is believed that the forts and arsenals in the states of the Gulf are in as defenseless a condition, and as liable to quiet seizure (if any such purpose existed), as in the beginning of the year 1861. Certainly, those within the range of my personal information are occupied, as they were at that time, only by ordnance sergeants or fort keepers. There were, however, some exceptions to this general rule—especially in the defensive works of t
These two gifted Georgians were called to these respective positions because of their experience, ability, and ardent patriotism. . . . Mr. Rhett was a very bold and frank man. So was Colonel Keitt; and they, as always, avowed their opinions and acted upon them with energy. Nevertheless, the vote of the delegation was cast for Mr. Davis. . . . (Signed) James Chesnut. From the Hon. W. Porcher Miles of Virginia, formerly of South Carolina, and a member of the provisional congress of 1861: Oak Ridge, January 17, 1880. . . . . To the best of my recollection there was entire unanimity in the South Carolina delegation at Montgomery on the subject of the choice of a President. I think it very likely that Keitt, from his warm personal friendship for Mr. Toombs, may at first have preferred him. I have no recollections of Chesnut's predilections. I think there was no question that Mr. Davis was the choice of our delegation and of the whole people of South Carolina. . . . I d
l, so bravely and skillfully directed these efforts that a large part of the machinery and materials was saved from the flames. The subduing of the fire was a dangerous and difficult task, and great credit is due to those who, under the orders of Master Armorer Ball, attempted and achieved it. When the fire was extinguished, the work was continued and persevered in until all the valuable machinery and material had been collected, boxed, and shipped to Richmond, about the end of the summer of 1861. The machinery thus secured was divided between the arsenals at Richmond, Virginia, and Fayetteville, North Carolina, and when repaired and put in working condition, supplied to some extent the want which existed in the South of means for the alteration and repair of old or injured arms, and finally contributed to increase the very scanty supply of arms with which our country was furnished when the war began. The practice of the federal government, which had kept the construction and manufa
are directed to obtain all the facts they can in reference to the recent occupation of Kentucky soil by Confederate and Federal forces, and report in writing at as early a day as practicable. In Senate of Kentucky, Saturday, September 7, A. D. 1861. Twice read and adopted. Attest: (Signed) J. H. Johnson, S. S. In accordance with the foregoing resolution, the Speaker appointed as said committee Messrs. John M. Johnson, William B. Read, and Thornton F. Marshall. Attest: (Signed) J. H. out at Memphis. Laws were passed to impress and pay for the private arms scattered throughout the state, and the utmost efforts were made to collect and adapt them to military uses. The returns make it evident that, during most of the autumn of 1861, fully one half of General Johnston's troops were imperfectly armed, and whole brigades remained without weapons for months. No less energetic were the measures taken to concentrate and recruit his forces. General Hardee's command was moved fr
Union to its foundation, and sowed the seeds of geographical divisions, which have borne the most noxious weeds that have choked our political vineyard. Again in 1861 Missouri appealed to the Constitution for the vindication of her rights, and again did usurpation and the blind rage of a sectional party disregard the appeal, andncampment was directed by the governor for instruction in tactics. Camp Jackson, near St. Louis, was designated for the encampment of the militia of the county in 1861. Here for some days companies of state militia, amounting to about eight hundred men, under command of Brigadier General D. M. Frost, were being exercised, as is arsenal at the West was that near to St. Louis. To it had been transferred a large number of the altered muskets sent from Springfield, Massachusetts, so that in 1861 the arms in that arsenal were, perhaps, numerically second only to those of Springfield. These arms, by a conjunction of deceptive and bold measures, were removed
1776, reluctantly she bowed to the necessity of separation from the Crown, so in 1861 the ordinance of secession was adopted. Having exhausted all other means, she tder who in his own conduct better illustrated the lesson. Our largest army in 1861 was that of the Potomac. It had been formed by the junction of the forces underI was responsible for inaction by the Army of the Potomac, in the latter part of 1861 and in the early part of 1862. After the explosion of the fallacy that I had prace, locating their story at Fairfax Court House, and dating it in the autumn of 1861. When at that time and place I met General Johnston for conference, he calledce, and quartermasters' stores, which had been collected on the line occupied in 1861 and the early part of 1862. A distinguished officer of our army, who has sincefforts for the recognition of the Confederate States by the European powers, in 1861, served to make us better known abroad, to awaken a kindly feeling in our favor,
nsume one hundred twenty-five thousand pounds more, making in all eight hundred fifty thousand pounds. Deducting two hundred fifty thousand pounds, supposed to be on hand in various shapes, the increment is six hundred thousand pounds for the year 1861. Of this, perhaps two hundred thousand pounds had been made at the Tennessee and other mills, leaving four hundred thousand pounds to be supplied through the blockade, or before the beginning of hostilities. The liability of powder to deterioruntry, and the battlefield of Manassas was closely gleaned, from which much lead was collected. A laboratory for the smelting of other ores was constructed at Petersburg, Virginia, and was in operation before midsummer of 1862. By the close of 1861, eight arsenals and four depots had been supplied with materials and machinery, so as to be efficient in producing the various munitions and equipments, the want of which had caused early embarrassment. Thus a good deal had been done to produce t