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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 250 250 Browse Search
George P. Rowell and Company's American Newspaper Directory, containing accurate lists of all the newspapers and periodicals published in the United States and territories, and the dominion of Canada, and British Colonies of North America., together with a description of the towns and cities in which they are published. (ed. George P. Rowell and company) 146 146 Browse Search
Lucius R. Paige, History of Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1630-1877, with a genealogical register 51 51 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 50 50 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 31 31 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 3 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 26 26 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 25 25 Browse Search
Brigadier-General Ellison Capers, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 5, South Carolina (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 20 20 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Harvard Memorial Biographies 19 19 Browse Search
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3 19 19 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3. You can also browse the collection for 1852 AD or search for 1852 AD in all documents.

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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, chapter 1 (search)
. i. p. 30. Thackeray, whose visit was a few years later, found a vast amount of toryism and donnishness everywhere. A Collection of Letters, 1847-1855, p. 165. Sumner, who was familiar with the talk at dinners and in drawing-rooms, wrote, in 1852, to his brother George, then in Europe: There are beautiful and generous spirits in Boston, but the prevailing tone of its society is provincial toryism. Persons freshly returned from Europe, who have hearts, are at first disturbed by it, then sturope, and were quite unanimous in their want of sympathy with the uprisings of 1848. They were as much perplexed with fear of change as kings or any privileged orders. Life of Ticknor, vol. II. pp. 230, 234, 236. Sumner wrote to his brother in 1852: You must not confound the opinion of Boston with that of Massachusetts. The Commonwealth is for Kossuth; the city is against him. The line is broadly drawn. The same line is run between my political supporters and opponents. The city is bigote
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 30: addresses before colleges and lyceums.—active interest in reforms.—friendships.—personal life.—1845-1850. (search)
distaste for the causes which were dear to Sumner, or his sympathy on public questions with Samuel A. Eliot and other highly conservative members of the parish. After he went to Washington as senator Sumner seldom attended church services. He was sometimes in the audience when a personal friend was to preach. Life of W. H. Channing, by 0. B. Frothingham, p. 264. Notwithstanding his recklessness in keeping late hours, Sumner's health was excellent. Horace Mann wrote of him to Howe in 1852, what was true of him always: He yields obedience to all God's laws of morality, but thinks he is exempt from any obligation to obey His laws of physiology. After 1844 he had only slight and temporary illnesses. At the end of March, 1846, Prescott Was obliged by an affection of the eye to suspend his studies, and he desired Sumner to join him in a vacation. They passed nearly a week in Washington, a week in New York, where their time was divided between society and visits to an oculist (
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 32: the annexation of Texas.—the Mexican War.—Winthrop and Sumner.—1845-1847. (search)
in the possession of Stephen H. Phillips, son of Stephen C. (Reunion of the Free-Soilers of 1848– 1852, held June 28, 1888, pp. 30-32.) Mr. Webster was said to have read the call, and promised to atteho has denounced it with such ferocity, as being stained with blood. Mr. Winthrop published in 1852 this letter in a note to the first volume of his Addresses and Speeches, pp. 770-773. In an introompromised his manhood. This social exclusion of others than Sumner came mostly later,—in 1850-1852,— when the conservative feeling in Boston was intense in favor of Mr. Webster and in support of t cherish then or later any animosity to Winthrop. To his brother George, arriving from Europe in 1852, he wrote: To Mr. Winthrop personally I have had nothing but feelings of kindness, and I commend ble to bring forward candidates who may be beaten in the next contest, but who will be carried in 1852. The antislavery sentiment is not of itself strong enough to place candidates in the chair now; <
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 33: the national election of 1848.—the Free Soil Party.— 1848-1849. (search)
of the people; and they had little hope of success except with a candidate who could inspire popular enthusiasm and draw a considerable body of voters from the rival party. this accounts for their setting aside in three elections—1840, 1848, and 1852—their historic representatives, and taking in their stead candidates prominent only as military men, and having little or no identification with the policy of the party. Their convention meeting at Philadelphia in June, 1848, nominated on the fout is entirely broken in pieces. It cannot organize anew except on the Free Soil platform. Our friends feel happy at the result. we shall form the opposition to Taylor's administration, and secure, as we believe, the triumph of our principles in 1852. You know that there will be a new census in 1850, and a new apportionment of the representatives and electors, securing [to the North] a large preponderance of power. This will count for us. In Massachusetts the contest has been earnest, active
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 34: the compromise of 1850.—Mr. Webster. (search)
a leading cause of his change of course. Von Hoist, vol. IV. p. 140. He was called to the Cabinet of President Fillmore in July, and continued till his death, in 1852, to use his personal influence and official power in the direction of his Seventh of March speech. That speech carried the Compromise measures, but it made also a treats of the alliance of that power with the Northern money-power through trade and political equivalents. This review of Webster's course on slavery in 1850-1852, which has been generally left in the background by his eulogists, has been no welcome task; but it is essential to an understanding of the political revolution which was at hand. Those who have come to manly life since 1852 cannot without it comprehend the profound indignation which the antislavery leaders and masses in Massachusetts felt towards him from March 7, 1850, till his death. His offence was not that one speech alone, of evil import as it was; but it was the speech as developed
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 35: Massachusetts and the compromise.—Sumner chosen senator.—1850-1851. (search)
Under the discussion which it has called forth, the antislavery sentiment has taken a new start. You have seen that in Massachusetts the Whigs are prostrate; I doubt if they are not beyond any resurrection. They regained power in the State in 1852, by the interposition of President Pierce's Administration, which prevented the Democrats from co-operating further with the Free Soilers, but were again finally defeated in 1854. They are in a minority from which they cannot recover. In the Sena on national politics acting together. The Whigs [in Massachusetts] are in despair. They confess that they are badly beaten. The coalition has been sustained and its candidate. Mr. Winthrop was not again a candidate for office. He acted in 1852 with the Whigs; in 1856, 1860, and 1864 he opposed the Republicans, and then withdrew from political controversy. His old Free Soil adversaries had a kindly feeling towards him notwithstanding the asperities of their contests with him. Sumner, af
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 36: first session in Congress.—welcome to Kossuth.—public lands in the West.—the Fugitive Slave Law.—1851-1852. (search)
e to Kossuth.—public lands in the West.—the Fugitive Slave Law.—1851-1852. Sumner left Boston for Washington Nov. 25, 1851. He had three passy. Sir John Crampton (1805-1886). He was British Minister from 1852 to 1856, when President Pierce broke off diplomatic relations with homed Thackeray. Among old English friends who visited Washington in 1852 were Lord and Lady Wharncliffe, John Stuart Wortley, the second Lenry Scott. Lord Wharncliffe, after his return home in the spring of 1852, wrote Sumner long and friendly letters; and though highly conservate navy, and increase the pay of the enlisted men; Jan. 19 and 22. 1852. Sumner renewed the proposition at the next session (March 3, 1853)ne. Commonwealth, March 15, April 1 and 2, 1853. In the winter of 1852-1853 he appeared for the first time before lyceums, taking The ProgrS. Bledsoe's Liberty and Slavery. The work which Sumner began in 1852 with only three coadjutors, he finished, as the sequel will show, tw<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 37: the national election of 1852.—the Massachusetts constitutional convention.—final defeat of the coalition.— 1852-1853. (search)
Chapter 37: the national election of 1852.—the Massachusetts constitutional convention.—final defeat of the coalition.— 1852-1853. During the years 1851-1853, W1852-1853. During the years 1851-1853, Whigs and Democrats acted in concert for the suppression of antislavery agitation. Forty-four members of Congress, in January, 1851, under the lead of Henry Clay and had always opposed. The Free Soilers found themselves in the early months of 1852 in a state of perplexity. The secession of the Barnburners in New York had redua conference at Dr. Bailey's office in Washington, D. C., before the election of 1852, is given in the Reminiscences of the Rev. George Allen, pp. 99, 100, purporting Mr. Giddings on the latter's visit to Worcester, Mass., at some time later than 1852. Conferences were probably held at Dr. Bailey's house; but Mr. Allen's report os your efforts in the late campaign; and the men who were most angry with you in 1852, are foremost in praising your course and your speech on the Constitution. C<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 38: repeal of the Missouri Compromise.—reply to Butler and Mason.—the Republican Party.—address on Granville Sharp.—friendly correspondence.—1853-1854. (search)
ating the declarations and resolves which in them had been denounced as unpatriotic and treasonable. They were the demonstrative part of the audience; while the commercial Whigs, who had been toned down by the Compromise policy of 1850, 1851, and 1852, were less responsive. The antislavery veterans walked with heads erect, meeting on all sides the salutation You were right in State and Milk streets, where before they had encountered only averted faces. Adams's Biography of Dana, vol. i. ppa similar contrast between the two senators from Massachusetts. This mode of meeting Sumner's arguments was not a new one. A similar contrast between him and Everett was drawn in the debate on the Nebraska bill, and between him and John Davis in 1852 in the debate on the motion to repeal the Fugitive Slave Act. In these personal comparisons the Southern senators recognized that they had a new kind of antagonist to deal with. Avowing his own opinion that primarily the duty to return fugitive sl
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 40: outrages in Kansas.—speech on Kansas.—the Brooks assault.—1855-1856. (search)
timony. Congressional Globe, p. 1353. He then walked alone to the printing-office, and thence to Seward's. As nothing occurred that day, the apprehensions of his friends were allayed. Preston S. Brooks was then a member of the House from South Carolina, born at Edgefield Court House, living in Ninety-six, a township of some interest in Revolutionary history, and representing a cotton-planting district in the northwestern part of the State. He first came to Congress late in the session of 1852-1853. He made a speech (March 15, 1854) in favor of the Nebraska bill, and during the same session advocated at length (June 14) a southern route for the Pacific Railroad. These speeches show him to have been a person of only respectable ability, and his friends hardly claimed more for him. During his service hitherto, hardly three years in length, he had been a modest and orderly member, indulging in no acrimonious speech and keeping aloof from scenes of disorder; and his pacific manner an