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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 324 324 Browse Search
George P. Rowell and Company's American Newspaper Directory, containing accurate lists of all the newspapers and periodicals published in the United States and territories, and the dominion of Canada, and British Colonies of North America., together with a description of the towns and cities in which they are published. (ed. George P. Rowell and company) 152 152 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 82 82 Browse Search
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery. 68 68 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 53 53 Browse Search
Lucius R. Paige, History of Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1630-1877, with a genealogical register 50 50 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 44 44 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 3 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 41 41 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 38 38 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 33 33 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in James Buchanan, Buchanan's administration on the eve of the rebellion. You can also browse the collection for 1850 AD or search for 1850 AD in all documents.

Your search returned 11 results in 5 document sections:

James Buchanan, Buchanan's administration on the eve of the rebellion, Preface. (search)
ese efforts, and vindicated its preservation and extension up till the period of secession. So excited were the parties, that had they intended to furnish material to inflame the passions of tie one against the other, they could not have more effectually succeeded than they did by their mutual criminations and recriminations. The struggle continued without intermission for more than the quarter of a century, except within the brief interval between the passage of the Compromise measures of 1850 and the repeal of the Missouri Compromise in 1854, during which the hostile feelings of the parties were greatly allayed, and hopes were entertained that the strife might finally subside. These peaceful prospects, it will appear, were soon blasted by the repeal of this Compromise, and the struggle was then renewed with more bitterness than ever until the final catastrophe. Many grievous errors were committed by both parties from the beginning, but the most fatal of them all was the secessio
James Buchanan, Buchanan's administration on the eve of the rebellion, Chapter 2: (search)
during his official term, if he had the power to avert it. The Compromise of 1850 ought never to have been disturbed by Congress. After long years of agitation a with slavery in the States and Territories, as recognized by the legislation of 1850, commonly called the Compromise measures, is hereby declared inoperative and voi It is impossible to conceive how it could be inferred that the Compromise of 1850, on the question of slavery in the territories. Would be inconsistent with the ined to the territory acquired from France under the Louisiana purchase, that of 1850 provided only for the new territory long afterwards acquired from Mexico under the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. The Compromise measures of 1850 contain no words to repeal or invalidate the Missouri Compromise. On the contrary, they expressly reMoreover, they expressly provided, in the language of the compromise measures of 1850, that all the laws passed by the Legislative Assembly and Governor shall be subm
James Buchanan, Buchanan's administration on the eve of the rebellion, Chapter 3: (search)
intended to excite the slaves to servile insurrection. In the North, the press, State Legislatures, antislavery societies, abolition lecturers, and above all the Christian pulpit, had been persistently employed in denouncing slavery as a sin, and rendering slaveholders odious. Numerous abolition petitions had been presented to Congress, from session to session, portraying slavery as a grievous sin against God and man. The Fugitive Slave Law enacted by the first Congress, as well as that of 1850, for the security of their property, had been nullified by the Personal Liberty Acts of Northern Legislatures, and by the organized assistance afforded by abolitionists for the escape of their slaves. Wilmot provisos had been interposed to defeat their constitutional rights in the common Territories, and even after these rights had been affirmed by the Supreme Court, its decision had been set at naught not only by the Republican but by the Douglas party. The irrepressible conflict of Senator
James Buchanan, Buchanan's administration on the eve of the rebellion, Chapter 4: (search)
lhoun, from the termination of nullification until the day of his death (31st March, 1850), made the wrongs and dangers of the South his almost constant theme. These he much exaggerated. In his last great speech to the Senate, Con. Globe, 1849-50, p. 451. on the 4th March, 1850, a few days before his death, which, from physical weakness, was read by Mr. Mason, the Senator from Virginia, he painted these wrongs in glowing colors, and predicted that if they were not speedily redressed disuniooutside of South Carolina these failed to convince the masses that they ought to resort to extreme measures. Whilst satisfied they were suffering grievous wrongs from the Abolitionists, they were yet willing to abide by the compromise measures of 1850, and to seek redress by constitutional efforts within the Union. Such, it is our confident belief, continued to be the genuine sentiments of a very large majority of their people even in the cotton States for a number of years after the death of
James Buchanan, Buchanan's administration on the eve of the rebellion, Chapter 6: (search)
he validity of this law has been established over and over again by the Supreme Court of the United States with perfect unanimity. It is founded upon an express provision of the Constitution, requiring that fugitive slaves who escape from service in one State to another shall be delivered up to their masters. Without this provision it is a well-known historical fact that the Constitution itself could never have been adopted by the Convention. In one form or other under the acts of 1793 and 1850, both being substantially the same, the fugitive slave law has been the law of the land from the days of Washington until the present moment. Here, then, a clear case is presented, in which it will be the duty of the next President, as it has been my own, to act with vigor in executing this supreme law against the conflicting enactments of State Legislatures. Should he fail in the performance of this high duty, he will then have manifested a disregard of the Constitution and laws, to the gr