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Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 23: the War in Missouri.-doings of the Confederate Congress. --Affairs in Baltimore.--Piracies. (search)
s Point, as bases of operations, with railways and rivers for transportation. On the 1st of July there were at least ten thousand loyal troops in Missouri, and ten thousand more might be thrown into it, in the space of forty-eight hours, from camps in the adjoining State of Illinois. And, at the same time, Colonel Sigel, already mentioned, an energetic and accomplished German liberal, who had commanded the republican troops of his native state (the Grand Duchy of Baden) in the revolution of 1848, was pushing forward with eager soldiers toward the insurgent camps on the borders of Kansas and Arkansas, to open the campaign, in which he won laurels and the commission of a brigadier. That campaign, in which Lyon lost his life, will be considered hereafter. There was now great commotion all over the land. War had begun in earnest. The drum and fife were heard in every city, village, and hamlet, from the St. Croix to the Rio Grande. Propositions for compromises Franz Sigel. and c
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 2., Chapter 2: civil and military operations in Missouri. (search)
ointment to its friends abroad, who well understood the object of the conspirators to be the formation of a great empire whose political and industrial system should be founded on human slavery. In Western Europe, the long controversy on that subject in our National Legislature had been watched with great interest; and the more enlightened observers, when the war broke out, believed and hoped that the prediction of a distinguished member of Congress (Joshua R. Giddings), made in that body in 1848, when members from Slave-labor States insolently threatened to dissolve the Union if their wishes were not gratified, would be fulfilled. He said that when that contest should come, the lovers of our race will then stand forth and exert the legitimate powers of this Government for freedom. We shall then have constitutional power to act for the good of our country and to do justice to the slave. We will then strike off the shackles from his limbs. The Government will then have power to act
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 2., Chapter 15: the Army of the Potomac on the Virginia Peninsula. (search)
of his so-called cabinet, and Generals Johnston, Lee, and Magruder, held a council at the Nelson House, This was a large brick house in Yorktown, which belonged to Governor Nelson, of Virginia, and was occupied by Cornwallis as Headquarters during a part of the period of the siege of that post in 1781, when, at the instance of the owner, who was in command of Virginia militia engaged in the siege, it was bombarded and the British General was driven out. When the writer visited Yorktown in 1848, the walls of that house exhibited scars made by the American shells and round shot on that occasion. When he was there in 1866 the house, which had survived two sieges more than eighty years apart, was still well preserved, and the scars made in the old War for Independence were yet visible. At his first visit he found the grave-yard attached to the old Parish Church in Yorktown, and not far from the Nelson House (in which two or three generations of the Nelson family were buried), in exce
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 2., Chapter 16: the Army of the Potomac before Richmond. (search)
appeared desolate indeed, the only house in it that seems not to have felt the ravages of war being that of Mrs. Anderson, of Williamsburg, in which McClellan and all of the Union commanders at Yorktown had their quarters. It was still used for the same purpose, there being a small military force there. We observed that the names of the few streets in Yorktown had been changed, and bore those of McClellan, Keyes, Ellsworth, and others. The old Swan Tavern, at which the writer was lodged in 1848, and the adjoining buildings, had been blown into fragments by the explosion of gunpowder during the war. McClellan's Headquarters in Yorktown. On the morning of the 4th, June 1866 we left Yorktown for Grover's Landing, passing on the way the house of Mr. Eagle, a mile from the town, where General Johnston had his quarters and telegraph station just before the evacuation. We were again on the bosom of the James in a steamer at nine o'clock, and arrived at Richmond toward evening. Rem
Emil Schalk, A. O., The Art of War written expressly for and dedicated to the U.S. Volunteer Army., Logistics. (search)
line of battle without disorder. If the army is large, so that several corps may be formed, they should be disposed as shown in Figs. 3 or 4, Plate V. If the enemy attacks the advanced guard, he offers his own flank to the corps already more advanced or still behind. Davoust, while retreating from Ratisbon, before the battles of Abensberg, Eckmuhl, etc., formed in a similar way; he executed his march between the Austrian force and the Danube. The flank march of General Radetski, in 1848, from Verona to Mantua, is also remarkable. By manoeuvre marches we understand marches executed by large armies, and having more of a strategical object than a tactical one; they are, in fact, strategical flank marches. I will give the dispositions for marching as used by Napoleon at Ulm in 1805, and at Jena in 1806. Each of the corps designated in the plan was of three divisions, and in the manoeuvres at Ulm that of Ney was of five. In these marches the force of each army corps, and
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Xiv. The Wilmot Proviso. (search)
ting with the entire South to lay on the table; all the Whigs and a large majority of the Democrats from Free States against it. Peace with Mexico having been made, By the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, February, a bill providing a Territorial 1848. Government for Oregon being before Congress at this session, and referred in the Senate to a Select Committee, Mr. John M. Clayton, of Delaware, from that Committee, reported it with amendments establishing Territorial Governments also for New Me the Court was then constituted, there was little room for doubt that its award would have been favorable to Slavery Extension; hence this vote. Mr. Clayton's Compromise, thus defeated, was never revived. The Democratic National Convention for 1848 assembled at Baltimore on the 22d of May. Gen. Lewis Cass, of Michigan, received 125 votes for President on the first ballot, to 55 for James Buchanan, 53 for Levi Woodbury, 9 for John C. Calhoun, 6 for Gen. Worth, and 3 for Geo. M. Dallas. On th
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 15 (search)
calculated, decisively, to alienate either the champions or the opponents of Slavery Restriction. It is among the traditions of the canvass that he, some time in 1848, received a letter from a planter running thus: Sir: I have worked hard and been frugal all my life, and the results of my industry have mainly taken the form of sFree States been so decidedly and strongly hostile to the Extension of Slavery, and so determined in requiring its inhibition by Congress, as during the canvass of 1848. Among the results of that canvass was — as we have seen — a temporary alienation of many Northern Democrats from their former devotion to Southern ideas and dowell (Democrat), as Governor, and Charles Sumner (Free Soil), as Senator. In New York, a fusion was with difficulty effected (in 1849) of the parties which had in 1848 supported Van Buren and Cass respectively — the nominal basis of agreement being a resolve The last Convention of the Cass Democrats, or Hunkers, which was held<
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 18 (search)
from which such citizens emigrated, and in derogation of that perfect equality which belongs to them as members of this Union, and would tend directly to subvert the Union itself. The resolve submitted to the Democratic National Convention of 1848, by Mr. William L. Yancey, and unceremoniously rejected by it, 216 to 36, as will have been seen See page 192.--sets forth the same doctrine more concisely and abruptly. Col. Benton, himself a life-long slaveholder and upholder of Slavery, tother Slave State, but must take the law which he finds there, and have his property governed by it; and, in some instances, wholly changed by it, and rights lost, or acquired, by the change. To the same effect, Mr. Webster, when resisting, in 1848, the attempt, on a bill organizing the Territory of Oregon, to fasten a rider extending the Slave line of 36° 30′ to the Pacific, refuted this doctrine as follows: The Southern Senators say we deprive them of the right to go into these newly a
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 19 (search)
ily, officiously opposed such revolution; and, while refusing, so early as 1825, to guarantee the possession of that island to Spain, and informally giving notice that we would never consent to its transfer to any more formidable power, seemed entirely satisfied with, and anxious for, its retention by Spain as her most precious and valued dependency-- The Queen of the Antilles. But, at length, having reannexed Texas, the Slave Power fixed covetous eyes on this fertile, prolific island. In 1848, our Minister, under instructions from President Polk, made an offer of $100,000,000 for it, which was peremptorily, conclusively rejected. Directly thereafter, the South became agitated by fillibustering plots for the invasion and conquest of that island, wherein real or pretended Cubans by nativity were prominent as leaders. President Taylor was hardly warm in the White House before he was made aware that these schemes were on the point of realization, and compelled to issue his proclamat
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Xxi. The Presidential canvass of 1860. (search)
ge of a comma, affirming and emphasizing the worst points of the Dred Scott decision, and asserting as vital truths propositions which even the Southern Democracy voted down when first presented to a Democratic National Convention by Mr. Yancey in 1848, were now adopted by the United States Senate as necessary deductions from the fundamental law of the land. The Democratic National Convention of 1856 had decided that its successor should meet at Charleston, S. C., which it accordingly did, oracy, it was a distinct, well-established party, which had a definitive existence, and at least a semblance of organization in every Slave State but South Carolina. It had polled a majority of the Southern vote for Harrison in 1840, for Taylor in 1848, had just polled nearly forty per cent. of that vote for Bell, and might boast its full share of the property, and more than its share of the intelligence and respectability, of the South. This party had but to be courageously faithful to its car
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