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Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore), 1862, January (search)
ed until 1840, when he received the nomination for Vice-President from the Whig party. The death of General Harrison opened the White House to Mr. Tyler, soon after which, by turning his back upon the party which had placed him in power, he added a new term to the political vocabulary. The great events of his administration were the vetoing of the United States Bank Bill, and the making of preparations for admitting Texas--a measure which was brought about shortly after his retirement, in 1845. Since that date Mr. Tyler lived on his plantation, near the village of Hampton, Va. The commotions of last winter brought him out of obscurity, when he acted the part of a peace-maker for some time, previous to his allying himself with the rebel faction.--N. Y. Commercial, January 21. Captain Phelps, with the gunboat Conestoga, made a reconnaissance, from Cairo, Ill., up the Tennessee River to-day, and shelled a point just below Fort Henry, where a masked battery was supposed to be, bu
Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buell, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War. Volume 3., chapter 8.89 (search)
uld not hope to retain her hold upon Mexico. Besides, the English aristocracy, as is well known, were in full sympathy with the South.--D. H. H. The condition of our railroads even in 1863 was wretched, so bad that my staff and myself concluded to leave our horses in Virginia and resupply ourselves in Atlanta. On the 19th of July I reported to General Bragg at Chattanooga. I had not seen him since I had been the junior lieutenant in his battery of artillery at Corpus Christi, Texas, in 1845. The other two lieutenants were George H. Thomas and John F. Reynolds. We four had been in the same mess there. Reynolds had been killed at Gettysburg twelve days before my new assignment. Thomas, the strongest and most pronounced Southerner of the four, was now Rosecrans's lieutenant. It was a strange casting of lots that three messmates of Corpus Christi should meet under such changed circumstances at Chickamauga. My interview with General Bragg at Chattanooga was not satisfactory.
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 4: seditious movements in Congress.--Secession in South Carolina, and its effects. (search)
ckly arranged and efficient measures on the part of South Carolina. He was afraid of the return of calm thought to the minds of the people. The delay of the Convention, he said, for a single week to pass the Ordinance of Secession will have a blighting and chilling influence upon the other States. He hoped that, by the 28th of December, no flag but the Palmetto would float over any part of South Carolina. Pickens, who had been a member of the National Congress ten consecutive years, 1835-1845. and minister to the Russian Court by Buchanan's appointment, was a worthy successor of Gist; and he entered into the schemes of the conspirators with all the powers that he possessed. The members of the Convention were chosen on the 3d of December. David F. Jamison. Not one had been nominated who was opposed to secession; and when, on the 17th, December, 1860. they assembled in the Baptist Church at Columbia, they were all of one mind in relation to the main question. David F. Ja
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 10: Peace movements.--Convention of conspirators at Montgomery. (search)
nia model. Tennessee was willing to adjust all difficulties by the same process, but with enlarged franchises for the slaveholders; while Missouri instructed its delegates to endeavor to agree upon some plan for the preservation or reconstruction of the Union. Its delegates were always to be subordinate to the General Assembly or the State Convention of Missouri. The Convention was permanently organized by the appointment of John Tyler, of Virginia (once President of the Republic), 1841-1845. as the presiding officer, and Crafts J. Wright, of Ohio, son of one of the delegates from that State, as secretary. Mr. Tyler delivered a short address on taking the chair, in which he said:--The eyes of the whole country are turned to this assembly, in expectation and hope. I trust that you may prove yourselves worthy of the great occasion. Our ancestors probably committed a blunder in not having fixed upon every fifth decade for a call of a general convention to amend and reform the Con
Admiral David D. Porter, The Naval History of the Civil War., Chapter 6: naval expedition against Port Royal and capture of that place. (search)
the sea front were mounted upon the best improved modern barbette carriages and circular railways, the following guns: 1 6-inch rifle. 6 32-pdrs. of 62cwt., 1845, navy pattern. 1 10-inch Columbiad, of 13.220lbs. weight. 1 8-inch Columbiad, 9,018lbs. 3 sea-coast howitzers, 7-inch, 1,600lbs. weight. 1 rifled, 6 each gun so mounted as to command the water approach to Broad and Beaufort Rivers. The guns were 13 in number, of the following sizes: 5 32-pdrs, navy pattern, 1845. 1 rifled, 6-inch, new. 5 sea-coast guns, 42 pdrs., long and very heavy. 1 ten-inch Columbiad, weight 13,226 lbs. 1 8-inch Columbiad. Upon the outer works on the left flank were mounted 2 24-pdrs. Upon outer works on right flank: 3 32-pdrs. of 63 cwt., navy pattern, 1845. Within the fort were also two field pieces, 6-pounders, old Spanish pattern, making in all 20 pieces of ordnance. Several circumstances prevented Dupont from moving against the enemy until the
James Redpath, The Roving Editor: or, Talks with Slaves in the Southern States., My second trip. (search)
reign and independent, have the unquestionable right to judge of the infraction, and a nullification, by those sovereignties, of all unauthorized acts done under color of that instrument is the rightful remedy. As late as 1825, Mr. Jefferson adhered to this doctrine. See his letter to William B. Giles, dated December, 1825. The Southern Quarterly Review, the chief organ of the slave power, has repeatedly promulgated and defended this doctrine. It is from that periodical — June No. for 1845--that these extracts are selected. Of course it was not the fugitive slave law that called forth these opinions; but as what is sauce for the tariff must equally be sauce for freedom, it cannot complain of my use of its argument. Freemen of the North! unfurl the Southern flag of Nullification! Resist the Fugitive Slave Law! Better far, as South Carolina once humorously said of the Southern slave region, better far that the territories of the States be the cemetery of freemen than the h
William A. Crafts, Life of Ulysses S. Grant: His Boyhood, Campaigns, and Services, Military and Civil., Chapter 2: (search)
t West Point. He was esteemed by his comrades and superiors as a young officer of moderate ability, but of undoubted pluck, perseverance, and self-reliance. In the ordinary duties of the army in time of peace, even on the frontier, he was not likely to become distinguished, nor to rise except by the slowest promotion. But those qualities for which he was justly esteemed were such as are needed in emergencies, and the value of Which can be best proved by the inexorable demands of war. In 1845, when the annexation of Texas threatened to involve the country in war with Mexico, the Fourth Infantry was sent to Texas, where it afterwards formed a part of General Taylor's Army of observation. Grant at this time was commissioned as full second lieutenant, and transferred to the Seventh Infantry; but at the request of the officers of the Fourth he was soon restored to that regiment. The advance of the Mexican army into Texas, where it besieged, Fort Brown, precipitated the war with Mexi
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 8 (search)
sort. Georgia was permitted to violate the faith of solemn treaties and defy the adjudications of our highest court. South Carolina was put down in a similar attempt: for the will of Andrew Jackson, not the Constitution, was in those years the supreme law of the land. The late Jeremiah Evarts, long the efficient and honored Secretary of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, who devoted the best of his life to the cause of the Cherokees, has summed up, in a letter to a sympathizing friend, his convictions as to the ultimate cause of the perfidy and oppression of which they were the victims: Without that disregard of human rights which is to be found among slaveholders only, nothing could have been done against the Indians; and without the base surrender of all personal dignity and independence to the capricious mandate of party discipline, the slaveholders would not have received aid enough to carry their point.--Life of Jeremiah Evarts, Boston, 1845, p. 367.
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Xxiii. peace efforts at the North. (search)
Adams — never remarkably inclined to popularize forms of government — had distinctly affirmed it in a speech in Congress; so had Abraham Lincoln, in one of his debates with Senator Douglas. But the right of a people to modify their institutions is one thing, and the right of a small fraction or segment of a people to break up and destroy a Nation, is quite another. The former is Reform; the latter is Revolution. Hon. Reverdy Johnson, who lived in the same house with John C. Calhoun from 1845 to 1849, and enjoyed a very close intimacy with him, in a letter to Edward Everett, dated Baltimore, June 24, 1861, says: He [Calhoun] did me the honor to give me much of his confidence, and frequently his Nullification doctrine was the subject of conversation. Time and time again have I heard him, and with ever-increased surprise at his wonderful acuteness, defend it on constitutional grounds, and distinguish it, in that respect, from the doctrine of Secession. This last he never, with
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Analytical Index. (search)
the West seized at, 413. Indians, enslavement of, 27; do. by the Puritans, 80; treatment of the Creeks and Cherokees by Georgia; President Adams protects them from the Georgian authorities, etc., 103; President Jackson favors their expulsion from Georgia, 104; their lands disposed of by lottery, 105; Georgia defies the Indian laws, and hangs Tassells, 106; treaties made with those of Kansas, 235. Ingersoll, Charles J., of Pa., reports in favor of Annexation, 171; extract from speech in 1845, 186. Ingersoll, Joseph R., of Pa., speech at the Philadelphia Peace meeting, 363. Iowa, diminished Republican vote in, 300-301. Iredell, James, of N. C., explains the omission of the word slave in the Constitution, 48. iron, product of, pig and wright, 23. Irvine, Col., crosses into West Virginia, 521. Iverson, Alf., of Ga., fire-eating speech of, 373. J. Jackson, Andrew, contrasted with Calhoun; their early life; are chosen President and Vice-President, in 1828, etc
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