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Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 62 (search)
for its exercise, and the solemn decision of the Supreme Court, before mentioned, pronounced thirteen years since, and never afterwards questioned by that or any other tribunal — rather than by the authorities relied on by the Chief-Justice, that is to say, a clearly extra-judicial observation of Chief-Justice Marshall, a mere doubt of Mr. Justice Story, an alleged doubt of Mr. Jefferson, nowhere, however, proved to have been felt, of the legality of Gen. Wilkinson's conduct at New Orleans in 1807--conduct in fact approved by him, and not disapproved of by any Congressional legislation — a commentary on the English form of government, a Government resting as to nearly all its powers upon usage and precedent, or to the otherwise unsupported authority of the Chief-Justice, and especially when, as in this instance, he seems to have departed from or forgotten the doctrines he maintained in the case in Howard. If with the opinion the President now is supposed to hold, to use in part the
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 74 (search)
on of these express provisions of the Constitution and the laws, assumed to give a preference, by unauthorized regulations of commerce or revenue, to the ports of certain States over the ports of other States, and had assumed, without consent of the Congress, to lay imposts or duties on imports and exports, and that, too, not for the use of the Treasury of the United States, but to deprive it of revenue, it became a duty of paramount necessity, acting under the express authority of the act of 1807, authorizing the use of the navy in causing the laws to be executed, to suppress by an armed naval force before the principal ports, these illegal and unconstitutional proceedings; to assert the supremacy of the Federal laws, and to prevent any preference, by commercial regulation, to tho ports of any of the States. In carrying into effect these principles, and in suppressing the attempts to evade and resist them, and in order to maintain the Constitution, and execute the laws, it became n
Benjamnin F. Butler, Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin Butler, Chapter 9: taking command of a Southern City. (search)
d the rules and regulations by which the laws of the United States will be, for the present and during a state of war, enforced and maintained, for the plain guidance of all good citizens of the United States, as well as others who may heretofore have been in rebellion against their authority. Thrice before has the city of New Orleans been rescued from the hand of a foreign government, and still more calamitous domestic insurrection, 1st, by purchase in 1803; 2d, by General Wilkinson in 1807, when the city was supposed to be threatened by Aaron Burr; 3d, by General Jackson in 1814. by the money and arms of the United States. It has of late been under the military control of the rebel forces, claiming to be the peculiar friends of its citizens, and at each time, in the judgment of the commander of the military forces holding it, it has been found necessary to preserve order and maintain quiet by the administration of Law Martial. Even during the interim from its evacuation by th
Rebellion Record: Introduction., Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), Introduction. (search)
discussion, I shall make a few remarks to show the great injustice of representing the protective system as being in its origin an oppression, of which the South has to complain on the part of the North. Every such suggestion is a complete inversion of the truth of history. Some attempts at manufactures by machinery were made at the North before the Revolution, but to an inconsiderable extent. The manufacturing system as a great Northern interest is the child of the restrictive policy of 1807--1812, and of the war. That policy was pursued against the earnest opposition of the North, and to the temporary prostration of their commerce, navigation, and fisheries. Their capital was driven in this way into manufactures, and on the return of peace, the foundations of the protective system were laid in the square yard duty on cotton fabrics, in the support of which Mr. Calhoun, advised that the growth of the manu. facture would open a new market for the staple of the South, took the le
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 8. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 23 (search)
and whose interests in the slave-trade were then supposed to require that her colonies should be made slaveholding. But the other ground stated is of a very grave character. It asserts that a violation of the law of nations by Great Britain in 1807, when that Government declared a paper blockade of two thousand miles of coast, (a violation then defended by her courts and jurists on the sole ground that her action was retaliatory,) affords a justification for a similar outrage on neutral righs by the United States in 1861, for which no palliation can be suggested; and that Great Britain is bound, in justice to the Federal States, to make return for the war waged against her by the United States in resistance of her illegal blockade of 1807, by an acquiescence in the Federal illegal blockade of 1861. The most alarming feature in this statement is its admission of a just claim on the part of the United States to require of Great Britain, during this war, a disregard of the recognized
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 6. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 112 (search)
States--with a naval force insufficient to blockade effectively the coast of a single State--proclaimed a paper blockade of thousands of miles of coast, extending from the Capes of the Chesapeake to those of Florida and to Key West, and encircling the Gulf of Mexico to the mouth of the Rio Grande. Compared with this monstrous pretension of the United States, the blockades known in history under the names of the Berlin and Milan Decrees and the British Orders in Council, in the years 1806 and 1807, sink into insignificance. Yet those blockades were justified by the powers that declared them on the sole ground that they were retaliatory; yet those blockades have since been condemned by the publicists of those very powers as violations of international law; yet those blockades evoked angry remonstrances from neutral powers, amongst which the United States were the most conspicuous; yet those blockades became the chief cause of the war between Great Britain and the United States in 1812;
HISTORY OF THE TOWN OF MEDFORD, Middlesex County, Massachusetts, FROM ITS FIRST SETTLEMENT, IN 1630, TO THE PRESENT TIME, 1855. (ed. Charles Brooks), Chapter 4: (search)
mily in town. When February 22 arrived, the meeting-house in Medford was open for religious exercises, and the day was kept as sacred. During the presidential canvass, in 1800, party lines began to assume definiteness, and that great contest of parties arose which has vexed and steadied the nation ever since. Medford took strongly the side of opposition to the policy of Mr. Jefferson and his immediate successor, and sustained the State government in a similar course. When the embargo of 1807 was laid, the people of Medford felt indignant. So near the sea, and so dependent on commerce, they became great sufferers. The sloop and schooner craft of our river became liable to irritating detentions on their shortest coast-wise trips, and could not undertake any profitable trade. Commerce, for the time, was struck dead. Fishermen could not sell their fish, or carry them where a market could be had; men unaccustomed to manufactures could not engage in them with profit; agriculture co
The Photographic History of The Civil War: in ten volumes, Thousands of Scenes Photographed 1861-65, with Text by many Special Authorities, Volume 3: The Decisive Battles. (ed. Francis Trevelyan Miller), chapter 4 (search)
Part 1. Grant versus Lee Henry W. Elson The battles in the Wilderness Wreckage of trees and men, as they fell in the dense forest — victims of the month's advance that cost 40,000 Union dead and wounded Ulysses S. Grant: General-in-chief of the Federal army in 1865. born 1822; West Point 1843; died 1885. Robert E. Lee: General-in-chief of the Confederate army in 1865. born 1807; West Point 1829; died 1870. Grant's first move against Lee: advance of the army of the Potomac, May 5, 1864: pontoons at Germanna ford on the Rapidan beginning the simultaneous movement to end the war The gleaming bayonets that lead the winding wagons mark the first lunge of one champion against another — the Federal military arm stretching forth to begin the continuous hammering which Grant had declared was to be his policy. By heavy and repeated blows he had vanquished Pemberton, Bragg, and every Southern general that had opposed him. Soon he was to be face to face with Le
The Photographic History of The Civil War: in ten volumes, Thousands of Scenes Photographed 1861-65, with Text by many Special Authorities, Volume 10: The Armies and the Leaders. (ed. Francis Trevelyan Miller), Chapter 5: losses in the battles of the Civil War, and what they mean (search)
ampaign, the American has shown himself preeminent. Colonel Dodge would have been justified in going much further. Waterloo itself, the most famous of the world's battles, does not show such fighting as Americans did at Sharpsburg (Antietam), Gettysburg, or Chickamauga. In Stonewall Jackson and the American Civil War, by Lieutenant-Colonel G. F. R. Henderson, a British military expert, is a complete list of killed and wounded in great battles from 1704 to 1882, inclusive. Since Eylau, 1807, there has been no great battle in which the losses of the victor—the punishment he withstood to gain his victory—equal the twenty-seven per cent. of the Confederates in their victory at Chickamauga. The Henderson tables give the losses of both sides in each Men of the fifth Georgia: more than half this regiment was killed and wounded at the battle of Chickamauga. Lounging beneath the Stars and Bars are eight members of an Augusta, Georgia, company—The Clinch Rifles. Their new par<
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 3. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Address on the character of General R. E. Lee, delivered in Richmond on Wednesday, January 19th, 1876, the anniversary of General Lee's birth (search)
mous commands under which we have so often marched at early dawn. By telegraph, on last Saturday night, this duty was laid upon me, and I come with little of preparation, and less of ability, to attempt a theme that might task the powers of Bossuet or exhaust an Everett's rhetoric. It can scarcely be needful to rehearse before you the facts of our commander's life. They have become, from least to greatest, parts of history, and an ever-growing number of books record that he was born in 1807, at Stratford, in Westmoreland county, of a family ancient and honorable in the mother country, in the Old Dominion, and in the State of Virginia; that he was appointed a cadet at the United States Military Academy in 1825, and was graduated first in his class, and commissioned lieutenant of engineers; that he served upon the staff of General Scott through the brilliant campaign from Vera Cruz to the City of Mexico, was thrice breveted for gallant and meritorious conduct, and was declared by
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