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C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Fourth: orations and political speeches. (search)
adduce in argument against them the physical or mental inequalities by which men are characterized. It is a palpable truth, that men are not born equal in physical strength, or in mental capacities; in beauty of form or health of body. Diversity or inequality, in these respects, is the law of creation. From this difference springs divine harmony. But this inequality is in no particular inconsistent with a complete civil and political equality. The equality declared by our fathers in 1776, and made the fundamental law of Massachusetts in 1780, was Equality before the law. Its object was to efface all political or civil distinctions, and to abolish all institutions founded upon birth. All men are created equal, says the Declaration of Independence. All men are born free and equal, says the Massachusetts Bill of Rights. These are not vain words. Within the sphere of their influence no person can be created, no person can be born, with civil or political privileges, not enjoye
adduce in argument against them the physical or mental inequalities by which men are characterized. It is a palpable truth, that men are not born equal in physical strength, or in mental capacities; in beauty of form or health of body. Diversity or inequality, in these respects, is the law of creation. From this difference springs divine harmony. But this inequality is in no particular inconsistent with a complete civil and political equality. The equality declared by our fathers in 1776, and made the fundamental law of Massachusetts in 1780, was Equality before the law. Its object was to efface all political or civil distinctions, and to abolish all institutions founded upon birth. All men are created equal, says the Declaration of Independence. All men are born free and equal, says the Massachusetts Bill of Rights. These are not vain words. Within the sphere of their influence no person can be created, no person can be born, with civil or political privileges, not enjoye
l abolition of Slavery in America. The Congregationalists of New England, also of the faith of John Calvin, and with the hatred of Slavery belonging to the great non-conformist, Richard Baxter, were sternly united against this wrong. As early as 1776, Samuel Hopkins, their eminent leader and divine, published his tract, showing it to be the Duty and Interest of the American States to emancipate all their African slaves, and declaring that Slavery is in every instance wrong, unrighteous and opp by several years, the renowned judgment in Somersett's case, established within its jurisdiction the principle of emancipation, and, under its touch of magic power, changed a slave into a freeman. Similar decisions followed in other places. In 1776, the whole number of blacks, both free and slave, sprinkled thinly over hardy Massachusetts, was five thousand two hundred and forty-nine, being to the whites as one is to sixty-five; while in slaveholding South Carolina the number of negro slaves
vin, in more moderate language, but by a public act, recorded their judgment, recommending to all the people under their care to use the most prudent measures consistent with the interest and the state of civil society, to procure eventually the final abolition of Slavery in America. The Congregationalists of New England, also of the faith of John Calvin, and with the hatred of Slavery belonging to the great non-conformist, Richard Baxter, were sternly united against this wrong. As early as 1776, Samuel Hopkins, their eminent leader and divine, published his tract, showing it to be the Duty and Interest of the American States to emancipate all their African slaves, and declaring that Slavery is in every instance wrong, unrighteous and oppressive—a very great and crying sin—there being nothing of the kind equal to it on the face of the earth. And, in 1791, shortly after the adoption of the Constitution, the second Jonathan Edwards, a twice-honored name, in an elaborate discourse oft
y, which ended in the Revolution, when the rights of the blacks were blended by all true patriots with those of the whites. Sparing all unnecessary details, suffice it to say, that, as early as 1769, one of the courts of Massachusetts, anticipating, by several years, the renowned judgment in Somersett's case, established within its jurisdiction the principle of emancipation, and, under its touch of magic power, changed a slave into a freeman. Similar decisions followed in other places. In 1776, the whole number of blacks, both free and slave, sprinkled thinly over hardy Massachusetts, was five thousand two hundred and forty-nine, being to the whites as one is to sixty-five; while in slaveholding South Carolina the number of negro slaves, at that time, was not far from one hundred thousand, being nearly one slave for every freeman, thus rendering that Colony anything but hardy. At last, in 1780, even before the triumph of Yorktown had led the way to that peace which set its seal up
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section tenth: downfall of the Rebellion. (search)
bration, strongly urging that it should be made simply a National, and not an International affair—fearing it would be attended with corruption, and end in failure; and in doing so, he laid down the following propositions, which he commended to the attention of the Senate and the country, and which he intended subsequently to enforce by further argument: The Centennial celebration of 1876 should be first and foremost, and I think it scarcely too much to say, only a grateful vindication of 1776. It should be severely and grandly simple, not ostentatious or boastful. It should be inexpensive, for a thousand obvious reasons; but, above all, because it does not become a nation any more than an individual on the verge of bankruptcy to be extravagant, especially at the moment when the attention of the world is invited to the study and imitation of her methods of management. It should be national and not provincial. It should be so conducted that all, and not a few only, can par
bration, strongly urging that it should be made simply a National, and not an International affair—fearing it would be attended with corruption, and end in failure; and in doing so, he laid down the following propositions, which he commended to the attention of the Senate and the country, and which he intended subsequently to enforce by further argument: The Centennial celebration of 1876 should be first and foremost, and I think it scarcely too much to say, only a grateful vindication of 1776. It should be severely and grandly simple, not ostentatious or boastful. It should be inexpensive, for a thousand obvious reasons; but, above all, because it does not become a nation any more than an individual on the verge of bankruptcy to be extravagant, especially at the moment when the attention of the world is invited to the study and imitation of her methods of management. It should be national and not provincial. It should be so conducted that all, and not a few only, can par