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Polybius, Histories 6 6 Browse Search
A Dictionary of Greek and Roman biography and mythology (ed. William Smith) 5 5 Browse Search
Samuel Ball Platner, Thomas Ashby, A Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome 4 4 Browse Search
Appian, The Foreign Wars (ed. Horace White) 1 1 Browse Search
Appian, The Foreign Wars (ed. Horace White) 1 1 Browse Search
Titus Livius (Livy), Ab Urbe Condita, books 23-25 (ed. Frank Gardener Moore, Professor Emeritus in Columbia University) 1 1 Browse Search
M. Tullius Cicero, De Officiis: index (ed. Walter Miller) 1 1 Browse Search
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Appian, Wars in Spain (ed. Horace White), CHAPTER I (search)
calamities to the country, he secured the favor of the chief men in the state (of whom the most popular was Hasdrubal, who had married Barca's daughter), by which means he escaped punishment; and as a disturbance with the Numidians broke out about this time, he secured the command of the Carthaginian forces in conjunction with Hanno the Great, although he had not yet rendered an account of his former generalship. Y.R. 516 At the end of this war, Hanno was recalled to answer B.C. 238 certain charges against him in Carthage, and Hamilcar was left in sole command of the army. He associated his son-in-law Hasdrubal with him, crossed the straits to Gades and began to plunder the territory of the Spaniards, although they had done him no wrong. Thus he made for himself an occasion for being away from home, and also for performing exploits and acquiring popularity. For whatever property he took he divided, giving one part to the soldiers, to stimulate their zeal for future plund
Appian, Punic Wars (ed. Horace White), CHAPTER I (search)
wed them for this war only to hire mercenaries in Italy, for even that had been forbidden in the treaty. Nevertheless they sent men to act as mediators between them. The Africans refused the mediation, but offered to become subjects of the Romans if they would take them. Y.R. 514 The latter would not accept them. Then the Carthaginians B.C. 240 blockaded the towns with a great fleet, and cut off their supplies from the sea, and as the land was untilled in consequence of the war they overcame the Africans by the famine, but were driven to supply their own wants by piracy, even taking some Roman ships, killing the crews, and throwing them overboard to conceal the crime. This Y.R. 516 escaped notice for a long time. When the facts became B.C. 238 known and the Carthaginians were called to account they put off the day of reckoning until the Romans voted to make war against them, when they surrendered Sardinia by way of compensation. And this clause was added to the former treaty of peace.
Polybius, Histories, book 1, Hamilcar's Tactical Superiority (search)
Hamilcar's Tactical Superiority The assistance thus obtained from these allies encouraged the Carthaginians to maintain their resistance: while Mathōs and Spendius found themselves quite as much in the position of besieged as in that of besiegers; for Hamilcar's force reduced them to such distress for provisions that they were at last compelled to raise the siege. B. C. 238. Hamilcar, with assistance from Sicily, surrounds Mathōs and Spendius. However, after a short interval, they managed to muster the most effective of the mercenaries and Libyans, to the number in all of fifty thousand, among whom, besides others, was Zarzas the Libyan, with his division, and commenced once more to watch and follow on the flank of Hamilcar's march. Their method was to keep away from the level country, for fear of the elephants and the cavalry of Narávas; but to seize in advance of him all points of vantage, whether it were rising ground or narrow pass. In these operations they showed themselves qui
Polybius, Histories, book 1, Aftereffects in Hippo, Utica, and Sardinia (search)
Aftereffects in Hippo, Utica, and Sardinia Most places in Libya submitted to Carthage after this Reduction of Hippo and Utica, B. C. 238. battle. But the towns of Hippo and Utica still held out, feeling that they had no reasonable grounds for obtaining terms, because their original acts of hostility left them no place for mercy or pardon. So true is it that even in such outbreaks, however criminal in themselves, it is of inestimable advantage to be moderate, and to refrain from wanton acts whis. Nor did their attitude of defiance help these cities. Hanno invested one and Barcas the other, and quickly reduced them to accept whatever terms the Carthaginians might determine. The war with the Libyans had indeed reduced Carthage toB. C. 241-238. dreadful danger; but its termination enabled her not only to re-establish her authority over Libya, but also to inflict condign punishment upon the authors of the revolt. For the last act in the drama was performed by the young men conducting a t
Polybius, Histories, book 3, Second Cause of the War (search)
Second Cause of the War When the Romans, at the conclusion of this mercenary B.C. 238. Bk. i. ch. 88. Second cause. war, proclaimed war with Carthage, the latter at first was inclined to resist at all hazards, because the goodness of her cause gave her hopes of victory,—as I have shown in my former book, without which it would be impossible to understand adequately either this or what is to follow. The Romans, however, would not listen to anything: and the Carthaginians therefore yielded to the force of circumstances; and though feeling bitterly aggrieved, yet being quite unable to do anything, evacuated Sardinia, and consented to pay a sum of twelve hundred talents, in addition to the former indemnity paid them, on condition of avoiding the war at that time. This is the second and the most important cause of the subsequent war. For Hamilcar, having this public grievance in addition to his private feelings of anger, as soon as he had secured his country's safety by reducing the rebe
Polybius, Histories, book 3, Hannibal's Oath (search)
of the king's intentions. B. C. 195These ambassadors found that Antiochus was inclined to the Aetolian alliance, and was eager for war with Rome; they accordingly paid great court to Hannibal with a view of bringing him into suspicion with the king. And in this they entirely succeeded. As time went on the king became ever more and more suspicious of Hannibal, until at length an opportunity occurred for an explanation of the alienation that had been thus secretly growing up between them. B. C. 238. Hannibal then defended himself at great length, but without success, until at last he made the following statement: "When my father was about to go on his Iberian expedition I was nine years old: and as he was offering the sacrifice to Zeus I stood near the altar. The sacrifice successfully performed, my father poured the libation and went through the usual ritual. He then bade all the other worshippers stand a little back, and calling me to him asked me affectionately whether I wished to go
Polybius, Histories, book 3, The Fourth Treaty (search)
treaty shall be attacked by the other. "Neither party shall impose any contribution, nor erect any public building, nor enlist soldiers in the dominions of the other, nor make any compact of friendship with the allies of the other. "The Carthaginians shall within ten years pay to the Romans two-thousand two-hundred talents, and a thousand on the spot; and shall restore all prisoners, without ransom, to the Romans." Afterwards, at the end of the Mercenary war in Africa, theFifth treaty, B. C. 238. Romans went so far as to pass a decree for war with Carthage, but eventually made a treaty to the following effect: "The Carthaginians shall evacuate Sardinia, and pay an additional twelve hundred talents." Finally, in addition to these treaties, came that negotiatedSixth treaty, B. C. 228. with Hasdrubal in Iberia, in which it was stipulated that "the Carthaginians should not cross the Iber with arms." Such were the mutual obligations established between Rome and Carthage from the earliest
Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 24 (ed. Frank Gardener Moore, Professor Emeritus in Columbia University), chapter 16 (search)
into their houses. Feasts had been made ready by all in the atriaThus the good things could be seen through the open door, as in XXV.xii. 15: apertis ianuis in propatulo epulati sunt. of their houses. To these they invited the soldiers andB.C. 214 implored Gracchus to allow the soldiers to feast. And Gracchus did permit them, provided they all feasted in the open, each before the door of his house. Everything was brought out. Wearing capsThe pilleus was evidence of freedom, as was the lana alba. or white woollen headbands the volunteers feasted, some reclining, and some standing served and ate at the same time. This seemed to deserve the order Gracchus gave on his return to Rome for a representation of that day of festivity to be painted in the Temple of Liberty which his father, with money yielded by fines, caused to be built on the Aventine and dedicated.The closing words are possibly copied from an inscription on the temple. The father was consul in 238 B.C.
Samuel Ball Platner, Thomas Ashby, A Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome, CLIVUS PUBLICIUS (search)
CLIVUS PUBLICIUS a street constructed and paved by Lucius and Marcus Publicius Malleolus, who were curule aediles about 238 B.C. (Fest. 238; Varro, LL v. 158; Ov. Fast. v. 293-4). It began in the forum Boarium, near the west end of the circus Maximus and the porta Trigemina (Frontin. 5; Liv. xxvii. 37), and must have extended across the Aventine in a southerly direction (Liv. xxvi. 10), past the temple of Diana to the VICUS PISCINAE PUBLICAE (q.v.). It was said to have been burned to the ground in 203 B.C. (Liv. xxx. 26), which must mean that it was thickly built up.
Samuel Ball Platner, Thomas Ashby, A Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome, FLORA, AEDES (search)
FLORA, AEDES a temple of Flora, built by the aediles Lucius and Marcus Publicius, in 240 So Veil. i. 14. 8 (acc. to CIL and HJ 118; WR makes it 24) ; Plin. NH xviii. 286 is the authority for the later date. The date of foundation is given as 28th April by Fast. Praen. (while Fast. Allif. (13th Aug.) refers to a restoration; see CIL i². p. 325) and the Floralia lasted from that date till 3rd May. or 238 B.C. (cf. BM. Rep. i. 469, n. 3); restored by Augustus, in part at least, and dedicated by Tiberius in 17 A.D. (Tac. Ann. ii. 49 ); and probably again restored in the fourth century by the younger Symniachus (Anth. Lat. iv. 112-114). It stood on the slope of the Aventine at the west end of the circus Maximus (Fast. Allif. ad Id. Aug.; cf. CIL xv. 7172), probably on the CLIVUS PUBLICIUS (q.v.), which was built by the same aediles (HJ 118; RE vi. 2748; Merlin 95, 30; cf. AD TO(N)SORES).
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