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A Dictionary of Greek and Roman biography and mythology (ed. William Smith) 48 48 Browse Search
Polybius, Histories 9 9 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 6 6 Browse Search
Titus Livius (Livy), Ab Urbe Condita, books 26-27 (ed. Frank Gardner Moore, Professor Emeritus in Columbia University) 4 4 Browse Search
M. Tullius Cicero, De Officiis: index (ed. Walter Miller) 2 2 Browse Search
Titus Livius (Livy), Ab Urbe Condita, books 31-34 (ed. Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. Professor of Latin and Head of the Department of Classics in the University of Pittsburgh) 2 2 Browse Search
Appian, The Foreign Wars (ed. Horace White) 2 2 Browse Search
Strabo, Geography (ed. H.C. Hamilton, Esq., W. Falconer, M.A.) 1 1 Browse Search
Titus Livius (Livy), Ab Urbe Condita, books 28-30 (ed. Frank Gardener Moore, Professor Emeritus in Columbia University) 1 1 Browse Search
Titus Livius (Livy), Ab Urbe Condita, books 31-34 (ed. Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. Professor of Latin and Head of the Department of Classics in the University of Pittsburgh) 1 1 Browse Search
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Appian, Sicily and the Other Islands (ed. Horace White), Fragments (search)
ountrymen of renewing a separate league with the Romans, although Hiero had made one to include the whole of Sicily. The Leontines were much stirred up by this. The Syracusans made proclamation that if anybody would bring them the head of Hippocrates or of Epicydes, they would give him its weight in gold. But the Leontines chose Hippocrates as their general.Cf. Livy, xxiv. 29. FROM PEIRESC Y.R. 542 The Sicilians, who had been for a long time embittered B.C. 212 against the Roman general Marcellus, on account of his severity, were still more excited against him because he had gained entrance to Syracuse by treachery. For this reason they joined themselves to Hippocrates, and took an oath together that none of them would make peace without the others, and sent him supplies and an army of 20,000 foot and 5000 horse.Cf. Livy, xxvi. 30. FROM PEIRESC Marcellus was in such bad odor that nobody would trust him except under oath,
Appian, Wars in Spain (ed. Horace White), CHAPTER III (search)
latter that Hasdrubal was approaching, he sallied out from the city with a small force to reconnoitre the enemy's camp and came upon Hasdrubal unexpectedly. He and his whole force were surrounded by the enemy's horse and killed. Gnæus, who knew nothing of this, sent some soldiers to his brother to procure corn, who fell in with another African force and became engaged with them. When Gnæus learned this he started out, with Y.R. 542 such troops as he had under arms, to assist them. The B.C. 212 Carthaginians who had cut off the former party made a charge on Gnæus, and compelled him to take refuge in a certain tower, which they set on fire, and burned him and his comrades to death. In this way the two Scipios perished, excellent men in every respect, and greatly regretted by those Spaniards who, by their labors, had been brought over to the Roman side. When the news reached Rome the people were greatly troubled. They sent Marcellus, who had lately come from Sicily, and with him
Appian, Hannibalic War (ed. Horace White), CHAPTER VI (search)
ut -- Hannibal captures Thurii -- Also Metapontum and Heraclea -- The Romans besiege Capua -- Hannibal marches to Rome -- Consternation in the City -- Flaccus follows Hannibal Y.R. 542 Tarentum, which was held by a Roman garrison, B.C. 212 was betrayed by Cononeus in the following manner. Being in the habit of hunting and always bringing a present of game to Livius, the prefect of the guard, he became very familiar with him. As war was raging in the country he said that it was neceslor near the country of the Beneventines, whom alone they feared as the latter were still in alliance with Rome. While Hannibal was there they despised all their enemies. Y.R. 542 It happened, however, that Hannibal was called by B.C. 212 Hanno into Lucania, leaving the greater part of his baggage under a small guard in the camp near Beneventum. One of the two Roman consuls who were in command there (Fulvius Flaccus and Appius Claudius), learning of this, fell upon the Campanians w
Polybius, Histories, book 8, The Necessity of Caution in Dealing with an Enemy (search)
The Necessity of Caution in Dealing with an Enemy TIBERIUS a Roman Pro-consul fell into an ambuscade, Fall of Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus [Cons. B. C. 215 and 213] as he was advancing from Lucania to Capua, by the treachery of the Lucanian Flavius, B. C. 212. Livy, 25, 16. and, after offering with his attendants a gallant resistance to the enemy, was killed. Now in regard to such catastrophes, whether it is right to blame or pardon the sufferers is by no means a safe matter on which to pronounce an opinion; because it has happened to several men, who have been perfectly correct in all their actions, to fall into these misfortunes, equally with those who do not scruple to transgress principles of right confirmed by the consent of mankind. We should not however idly refrain from pronouncing an opinion: but should blame or condone this or that general, after a review of the necessities of the moment and the circumstances of the case. Fall of Archidamus, B. C. 226-225. And my observatio
Polybius, Histories, book 8, Antiochus the Great at Armosata (search)
Antiochus the Great at Armosata In the reign of Xerxes, prince of the city of Armosata, situated on the "Fair Plain," between In the course of his campaigns for the recovering of the eastern provinces (B. C. 212-205). Antiochus makes a demonstration before the city of Armosata, in Armenia, to recover the arrears of tribute owed by the late king, B. C. 212. the Tigris and Euphrates, King Antiochus encamped under its walls and prepared to attack it. When he saw the king's forces, Xerxes at first conveyed himself away; but feeling afterwards that, if his palace were seized by his enemies, his whole kingdom would be overthrown, he changed his mind, and sent a message to Antiochus declaring his wish for a conference. The most loyal of the friends of Antiochus were against letting the young prince go when they once got him into their hands, and advised Antiochus to take possession of the town, and hand over the principality to Mithridates, his own sister's son. The king, however, would not
Polybius, Histories, book 8, The Hannibalian War — Tarentum (search)
ed a long and unchecked career comes naturally to experience a satiety of its blessings, and then it looks out for a master; and when it has got one, it is not long before it hates him, because it is seen that the change is for the worse. This is just what happened to the Tarentines on that occasion. . . . On this news being brought to Tarentum and Thurii there was great popular indignation. . . . The conspirators left the town at first under the pretext ofHannibal marched south early in B.C. 212 to renew his attempt upon Tarentum, on which he had wasted much of the previous summer (Livy, 25, 1) The severity of the punishment of the Tarentine hostages who tried to escape from Rome caused a conspiracy of Tarentines to betray the town to Hannibal. Livy, 25, 7-8. a foray, and got near Hannibal's camp before daybreak. Then, while the rest crouched down on a certain wooded spot by the side of the road, Philemenus and Nicon went up to the camp. They were seized by the sentries and taken off
Polybius, Histories, book 8, Fall of Syracuse, B. C. 212 (search)
Fall of Syracuse, B. C. 212 He counted the layers; for as the The method taken by a Roman to estimate the height of the wall of Syracuse. Livy, 25, 23. tower had been built of regular layers of stone, it was very easy to reckon the height of the battlements from the ground. . . . Some days afterwards on information being given by a deserter that the Syracusans had been engaged in a public sacrifice to Artemis for the last three days; and that they were using very scanty food in the festival tall somewhat lower than the rest, and thinking it probable that the men were drunk, owing to the license of the hour, and the short supply of food with their wine, he determined to attempt an escalade. Fall of Syracuse by an escalade, autumn B. C. 212. Livy, 24, 23-31. Two ladders of the proper height for the wall having been quickly made, he pressed on the undertaking. He spoke openly to those who were fit to make the ascent and to face the first and most conspicuous risk, holding out to them
Polybius, Histories, book 8, Beasts of Burden Used as a Defensive Wall (search)
Beasts of Burden Used as a Defensive Wall He gave orders that the infantry should take the beasts of burden along with the baggage tied upon them from the rear and range them in front of themselves. This produced a defence of greater security than any palisade.This fragment is supposed, by comparison with Livy, 25, 36, to belong to the account of the fall of Gnaeus Cornelius Scipio in Spain, B. C. 212. . . . So entirely unable are the majority of mankind to submit to that lightest of all burdens—-silence. . . . Anything in the future seems preferable to what exists in the present. . .
Polybius, Histories, book 9, The Hannibalian War (search)
The Hannibalian War In the previous year (212 B. C.) Syracuse had fallen: the two Scipios had been conquered and killed in Spain: the siegeworks had been constructed round Capua, at the very time of the fall of Syracuse, i. e. in the autumn, Hannibal being engaged in fruitless attempts upon the citadel of Tarentum. See Livy, 25, 22. Entirely surrounding the position of Appius Claudius, B. C. 211. Coss. Gnaeus Fulvius Centumalus, P. Sulpicius Galba. The Romans were still engaged in the siege of Capua. Hannibal at first skirmished, and tried all he could to tempt him to come out and give him battle. But as no one attended to him, his attack became very like an attempt to storm the camp; for his cavalry charged in their squadrons, and with loud cries hurled their javelins inside the entrenchments, and the infantry attacked in their regular companies, and tried to pull down the palisading round the camp.Q. Fulvius and Appius Claudius, the Consuls of the previous year, were continued in
Polybius, Histories, book 9, The Spoils of Syracuse: Works of Art Taken To Rome (search)
The Spoils of Syracuse: Works of Art Taken To Rome A city is not really adorned by what is brought from without, but by the virtue of its own inhabitants. . . . The Romans, then, decided to transfer these things to their own city and to leave nothing behind. Syracuse was taken in the autumn, B. C. 212. "The ornaments of the city, statues and pictures were taken to Rome." Livy, 25, 40, cp. 26, 21. Whether they were right in doing so, and consulted their true interests or the reverse, is a matter admitting of much discussion; but I think the balance of argument is in favour of believing it to have been wrong then, and wrong now. If such had been the works by which they had exalted their country, it is clear that there would have been some reason in transferring thither the things by which they had become great. But the fact was that, while leading lives of the greatest simplicity themselves, as far as possible removed from the luxury and extravagance which these things imply, they yet
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