Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4. You can also browse the collection for December 12th or search for December 12th in all documents.

Your search returned 5 results in 4 document sections:

Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 44: Secession.—schemes of compromise.—Civil War.—Chairman of foreign relations Committee.—Dr. Lieber.—November, 1860– April, 1861. (search)
change of front is described in Thurlow Weed's Memoir, vol. I. pp. 616-618. As soon as the secession began, a panic prevailed at the commercial centres of the North; the money market was severely strained; the banks were on the brink of suspension; Southern trade, then a very important factor in the general business of the country, stopped altogether; and many a merchant who had enjoyed a solid prosperity stood appalled at the prospect of bankruptcy. George Livermore wrote Sumner, December 12: It is an awful time for merchants,—worse than in 1857; and if there is not some speedy relief, more than half the best concerns in the country will be ruined. Nevertheless, while counselling moderation in speech, he expressed himself strongly against any backing down. The fright extended beyond the supporters of Bell, Breckinridge, and Douglas, even to some of Lincoln's supporters, who if possible would in view of the Southern uprising have recalled their votes. Public meetings were he
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 45: an antislavery policy.—the Trent case.—Theories of reconstruction.—confiscation.—the session of 1861-1862. (search)
n this statement, and make it with the amplest knowledge. Have you read Count Gasparin's article on the question? Oh that such a voice could come from the British government! If this accursed slave-driving rebellion prevails, and slavery becomes incarnate in a new government, it will be England and France who will have done the deed without a name. God bless you.! To Mr. Cobden, December 31:— I cannot thank you enough for your constant and most instructive letters down to 12th December. Not a word has been lost. I have read them all to the President; and the most important I read to the President and his whole Cabinet assembled Christmas day to consider the Trent case; at the same time I read John Bright's letters. All were full of gratitude to two such good friends who, true to the best interests of their own country, so truly watched for us also. Will the settlement of the Trent case be accepted in England as definitive? I fear not. The war fever is too intense
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 48: Seward.—emancipation.—peace with France.—letters of marque and reprisal.—foreign mediation.—action on certain military appointments.—personal relations with foreigners at Washington.—letters to Bright, Cobden, and the Duchess of Argyll.—English opinion on the Civil War.—Earl Russell and Gladstone.—foreign relations.—1862-1863. (search)
nions and the steps which give them effect. Letters in his behalf by C. L. Ryan, October 16 and 18. London Times, October 20 and 24. Shortly after, in an open corespondence with Prof. F. W. Newman, he called the struggle of our government to maintain itself a hopeless and destructive enterprise. Dec. 1, 1862. Professor Newman's letter, November 28, calls Gladstone the admirer of perjured men. Gladstone's rejoinder of December 4 was published in the London Star. （New York Tribune, December 12 and 20.) Mr. Gladstone's pro-slavery sympathies and partiality for the Southern rebellion were treated in Letters on the American Rebellion, by Samuel A. Goddard, of Birmingham, contributed to English journals at the time, and since published in a volume, pp. 181-193, 252-259, 281-285. Mr. Adams, disturbed by the tendency to intervention which Mr. Gladstone's speech at Newcastle had encouraged, and apprehensive that it foreshadowed imminent action of the Cabinet, made it the subject o
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 57: attempts to reconcile the President and the senator.—ineligibility of the President for a second term.—the Civil-rights Bill.—sale of arms to France.—the liberal Republican party: Horace Greeley its candidate adopted by the Democrats.—Sumner's reserve.—his relations with Republican friends and his colleague.—speech against the President.—support of Greeley.—last journey to Europe.—a meeting with Motley.—a night with John Bright.—the President's re-election.—1871-1872. (search)
h it imposed on the country,—introducing a bill for the purpose, Dec. 11, 1871, March 21, 26, and June 4, 1872 (Globe, pp. 45, 46, 1856, 1857, 1977, 4217). This effort was approved by the New York Herald, Dec. 11, 1871, and the New York World, December 12. He pushed his measure at his two remaining sessions. Dec. 12, 1872 (Globe, pp. 144, 145), Dec. 17, 1873, Jan. 6, 1874 (Globe, pp. 249, 390). He wrote at this time, at the request of the publishers and the author, an introduction to an editis loyalty to the colored people. He continued to present from the beginning of the session petitions for the bill, usually pressing them in brief remarks; and he endeavored to make action on the bill a condition of final adjournment. Dec. 4, 7, 12. 13, 1871, Jan. 24. 1872; Congressional Globe, pp. 2, 36, 69, 84, 546. He sought to make the pressure for reconciliation serve his purpose. He moved his bill as an amendment to the amnesty bill which had come from the House, maintaining it at some